Coin Press - Japan’s right‑turn triumph

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Japan’s right‑turn triumph




Japan’s electoral earthquake on 8 February 2026 signalled the end of an era of cautious centrism. Voters delivered a resounding super‑majority to Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), handing the right‑wing leader the most decisive mandate any Japanese premier has enjoyed since the party’s formation in 1955. Exit polls and the final count put the LDP on 316 seats, well above the 261 seats needed for an absolute majority and far beyond the 300‑seat record set by Yasuhiro Nakasone four decades earlier. Together with its new ally, the Japan Innovation Party, the governing coalition now controls 352 of 465 seats in the lower house, enabling Takaichi to override the upper chamber and pursue policies once deemed politically impossible.

An electorate fed up with drift
The early election was a gamble. After becoming Japan’s first female prime minister in October 2025, Takaichi faced a fractured legislature, slumping support and a party still tainted by a slush‑fund scandal. She called a snap election only three months into the job and promised to resign if she failed to secure a majority. Voters responded not just by endorsing her but by signalling fatigue with years of timid leadership and incremental reform. Snowstorms and travel disruptions kept turnout modest — about 55.6 % — yet those who braved the weather rewarded a leader who projected strength and clarity.

Takaichi’s popularity stems from what supporters call “Sanaenomics”. The three‑pillar programme promises massive investment in national crisis management and public‑private partnerships, an expansionary fiscal policy financed by unprecedented deficit spending, and a challenge to the Bank of Japan’s independence, shifting control of monetary policy to the government. In the campaign she offered a ¥21 trillion stimulus package and pledged to suspend the 8 % consumption tax on food for two years. Such largesse unsettles investors in a country whose public debt already exceeds 230 % of GDP, but Takaichi argues that reviving growth and lifting wages require a decisive break with monetary orthodoxy.

A hard‑line agenda
Takaichi is no pragmatist in foreign and security policy. Born in 1961, she entered politics in 1996 and rose through the LDP as a nationalist firebrand. Like her mentor Shinzō Abe, she has long advocated revising Article 9 of the constitution to formalise Japan’s Self‑Defence Forces and supports further military spending. As minister for economic security she proposed restricting foreign ownership of land near strategic sites and drafted a spy‑prevention law to counter foreign interference. During the campaign she provoked Beijing by suggesting that Japan could intervene militarily should China attempt to seize Taiwan, an assertion that led China to urge its citizens to avoid Japan and to halt panda exchanges. Instead of apologising, Takaichi doubled down, and her defiance resonated with voters who fear China’s assertiveness and North Korea’s missile tests.

The landslide also reflects deep unease over immigration and social change. Japan’s foreign‑resident population is rising — officials warn it could exceed 10 % by 2040 — and Takaichi has made tighter controls a centrepiece of her platform. She wants to review foreign investment, limit property acquisitions and curtail what she calls exploitation of lax tourism visas. Yet she balances these hard‑edged views with promises of family‑friendly policies, such as tax breaks for childcare and corporate incentives to provide in‑house nurseries. She also pledges to increase women’s representation in politics but resists calls to let women ascend the imperial throne or to allow married couples to retain separate surnames.

Implications at home and abroad
With a super‑majority secure, Takaichi can now pursue her agenda without worrying about another national election until 2028. Economists warn that cutting consumption taxes and further borrowing could exacerbate currency volatility and spook markets. She faces the herculean task of reviving growth while contending with stagflation — rising prices and stagnant wages — and a rapidly ageing population. The electorate’s patience may be limited if living standards do not improve.

Internationally, Japan’s rightward turn complicates regional diplomacy. Relations with China are at a post‑Cold War low after Takaichi’s comments on Taiwan and her regular offerings to the Yasukuni Shrine, which honours Japan’s war dead and is seen in Beijing and Seoul as a symbol of militarism. At the same time, she has strengthened ties with the United States, hosting President Donald Trump in Tokyo just days after taking office. Trump congratulated her on social media for the “conservative, peace‑through‑strength agenda”, while critics warn that closer alignment with Washington could further inflame tensions with neighbours. Within Japan, the opposition’s failure to unite means Takaichi faces little organised resistance; the Centrist Reform Alliance lost half of its pre‑election seats, and smaller parties remain divided.

Where next for Japan?
The landslide that catapulted Sanae Takaichi into near‑unchallenged power is both a mandate and a warning. It shows that many Japanese are fed up with drift and are willing to embrace a hard‑line leader who promises rapid change. But it also means that the checks and balances of coalition politics have weakened. Takaichi must now translate populist slogans into sustainable policies — restoring growth, managing debt, balancing defence with diplomacy and addressing demographic decline. Whether her nationalist agenda heralds a new chapter for Japan or simply deepens divisions at home and abroad will be watched closely in Tokyo, Beijing and Washington.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

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US China race hits 2027

When NASA’s Artemis II crew splashed down in April 2026 after looping around the Moon, it rekindled interest in human spaceflight. The United States had not sent astronauts near the lunar surface in more than half a century, and its return came amid an unmistakable rivalry with a rising power. Over the last decade China has methodically tested rockets, landers and rovers, assembled its own orbital outpost and dispatched missions across the Solar System. The world’s two largest economies are now openly competing to build a permanent human presence on and around the Moon, to harvest its resources and to set the standards that will govern space for decades to come.Although the race evokes memories of the Cold War, experts stress that today’s contest is more complex. Rather than a sprint to plant a flag, the current competition is a marathon to establish infrastructure and routines for sustained exploration. 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Success would keep the 2028 landing on track and bolster confidence in the United States’ ability to lead; failure could postpone human landings by years and give China a psychological and strategic advantage. Some observers argue that delays would also erode congressional support and funding, since political attention could shift to Mars or Earth‑orbit projects.For China, the mid‑2020s are equally crucial. By the end of 2026 the Chang’e‑7 probe is expected to deliver data from the Moon’s south pole, and the Thousand Sails constellation could surpass the 1,000‑satellite mark a year later. Meanwhile, low‑altitude tests of the Long March‑10 and Mengzhou systems in 2025 and 2026 will set the stage for full‑scale flight tests. If all proceeds as planned, China will enter 2027 with an integrated system for human lunar flight, a mature space station and an expanding commercial sector. The momentum could position Beijing to attempt its first crewed lunar landing by the end of the decade, perhaps just a year or two after Artemis III.The symbolic stakes of who returns to the Moon first resonate beyond space professionals. Many commentators see access to lunar resources such as water ice and helium‑3 as future economic boons, enabling fuel production, life support and even fusion energy. Others worry that these expectations could inflame geopolitical tensions and lead to the partition of the lunar surface. Online discussions are filled with references to science‑fiction series like For All Mankind and Star Wars, a sign of how popular culture shapes perceptions of space. Some people lament the absence of Europe in the high‑profile contest, expressing frustration that the European Space Agency is not competing at the same level. Others note that the proliferation of mega‑constellations could spoil the night sky for astronomy and raise the risk of collisions. A common thread is the belief that space is becoming another arena for geopolitical rivalry and that humanity must balance exploration with responsibility.What’s at stakeAt the heart of the new space race is a struggle over norms and infrastructure. The country that first establishes a sustained presence on the Moon will likely influence how lunar resources are allocated, how safety zones are defined and how future claims are adjudicated. China’s plan for an International Lunar Research Station is open to partners but would be led by Beijing and Moscow, while the U.S. promotes the Artemis Accords, a set of principles signed by more than thirty nations that emphasise transparency, peaceful use and the protection of heritage sites. The two frameworks represent competing visions of governance. Some analysts worry that parallel bases could harden rival blocs and complicate cooperation on scientific projects.Economic motives also loom large. The Moon’s south pole contains ice deposits that can be split into oxygen and hydrogen for rocket fuel; its regolith may hold helium‑3, a potential fuel for fusion reactors; and rare earth elements could be mined for electronics. Companies envisage extracting these materials and using them to support lunar factories, orbital refineries and interplanetary missions. Observers point out that many of these prospects are speculative and that the technological and legal challenges are formidable. Nevertheless, the prospect of a trillion‑dollar space economy drives investment from governments and venture capital. Commentators on social media often joke about “all those beautiful minerals” and wonder whether space will become a battlefield for humans. Others warn that competition could trigger an arms race, with anti‑satellite weapons and military platforms turning Earth orbit into a contested zone.Environmental concerns add another layer of complexity. Mega‑constellations of thousands of satellites enable global internet and Earth‑observing services, but they also contribute to light pollution and radio interference that hamper astronomical research. Critics argue that launching tens of thousands of spacecraft to benefit a small fraction of the population is not worth degrading the natural beauty of the night sky. Campaigners call for international regulation to ensure that orbits remain sustainable and that debris is removed. The U.S. Federal Communications Commission and international bodies are beginning to address these issues, but enforcement remains weak.Beyond the U.S. and ChinaWhile the rivalry between Washington and Beijing dominates headlines, other actors are shaping the space landscape. India, which landed a spacecraft near the lunar south pole in 2023, plans its own crewed missions and has an eye on lunar resources. Russia remains formally involved with China’s lunar base plan despite its own economic struggles. Private corporations across the globe are developing lunar landers, communications relays and space‑based manufacturing. Even as the European Space Agency grapples with funding and policy issues, European companies supply critical hardware, such as the service module for Orion and lunar lander technology. Japan, Canada and the United Arab Emirates are all planning missions that will contribute to lunar exploration or the construction of the Lunar Gateway, a planned station in lunar orbit.Taken together, these efforts suggest that the future of space will be multipolar. The outcome of the 2027 milestones will not end the race but will set the trajectory for the coming decade. Whether the United States and China choose to cooperate or compete will influence how quickly humanity establishes a foothold beyond Earth and whether the benefits of space are shared or monopolized.An uncertain finish lineThe United States and China are already locked in a fierce competition for space. Both nations have articulated ambitious lunar roadmaps, invested billions in rockets, spacecraft and infrastructure, and rallied their citizens with promises of national renewal and scientific glory. Yet the space environment today is far more complex than during the Apollo era. Private companies wield unprecedented influence, environmental and legal questions remain unresolved, and the stakes extend from lunar ice to orbital broadband and planetary defence. The year 2027 will be a crucial inflection point: a successful docking test for Artemis and the continued pace of China’s Chang’e and megaconstellation programmes will signal whether each nation can execute its plans on schedule. Failure or delay on either side could alter perceptions of leadership and open space for newcomers.As the countdown to these milestones advances, policymakers, engineers and citizens alike grapple with what the space race means. Will it inspire cooperation and new frontiers of knowledge, or will it deepen divisions and militarize the heavens? Will the Moon become a laboratory for sustainable living or a quarry for minerals? And can humanity develop rules and norms to manage an increasingly crowded sky? The answers will emerge over the next several years. For now, the only certainty is that the competition is real, the challenges are immense and the outcome will shape the cosmic future of us all.