Coin Press - EU India deal gains unveiled

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EU India deal gains unveiled




On 26 January 2026 negotiators from Brussels and New Delhi announced that they had finally concluded a free‑trade agreement (FTA) after nearly two decades of on‑off negotiations. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen described it as the “mother of all deals”. The pact – which still requires legal revision and ratification in both the European Parliament and the Indian parliament – is broad in scope. It will eventually eliminate or reduce tariffs on over 90 % of EU exports to India, save European companies around €4 billion per year in duties and double EU exports to India by 2032. In return, the EU will cut tariffs to zero on about 90 % of Indian goods at launch and extend duty‑free access to 93 % within seven years. The agreement complements a newly signed Security and Defence Partnership that extends cooperation into areas such as maritime security, cyber‑defence and counterterrorism, signalling that the relationship now goes well beyond commerce.

Europe’s economic gains
Market access to a massive growth engine
India’s economy – valued at roughly $4.2 trillion and forecast to grow faster than any other major economy – is the EU’s tenth‑largest export market. EU goods face a weighted‑average tariff of about 9.3 % when entering India. Under the FTA, India will eliminate or reduce tariffs on 96.6 % of EU exports by value. Tariffs on roughly 30 % of goods will fall to zero immediately, while remaining duties will be phased out over five, seven or ten years. High barriers on automobiles and industrial goods are set to tumble: duties on cars will fall from 110 % to 10 % over five years under a quota for 250 000 vehicles; tariffs of up to 44 % on machinery, 22 % on chemicals and 11 % on pharmaceuticals will be scrapped. For European vintners and distillers, India’s prohibitive 150 % wine tariff will drop to 20–30 % and duties on spirits will fall to 40 %.

The EU’s exporters stand to benefit disproportionately in sectors where India currently imposes the steepest barriers. According to an Allianz Research estimate, an ambitious FTA could boost EU exports by USD 19.2 billion per year (about +0.3 % of total EU exports) and raise EU GDP by +0.1 percentage points annually. Germany, France and Italy – with strong industrial and machinery exports – would gain the most. The EU also expects improved access in financial and maritime services, stronger intellectual‑property protection and simplified customs procedures, making it easier for European firms to invest in and operate within the Indian market.

Securing supply chains and reducing dependency on China
Beyond the immediate tariff windfall, the FTA is part of a broader strategy to diversify supply chains and reduce reliance on China. A Reuters analysis notes that for Europe the deal provides a route to “support supply‑chain diversification and reduce reliance on China” while tapping India’s fast‑growing market. EU trade with the United States and China dwarfs its trade with India – €873 billion and €736 billion in goods respectively in 2024 – but both relationships have become more uncertain. The return of U.S. tariff threats and growing geopolitical friction with Beijing have pushed Brussels to accelerate deals with Mercosur, Mexico, Indonesia and now India.

India’s demographic scale offers long‑term opportunities. The agreement opens a market of 1.4 billion consumers to European companies with lower tariffs and better regulatory cooperation. Crucially, it provides a foothold in sectors where China currently dominates global supply chains. The pact’s digital‑trade provisions set rules on data flows, privacy and standards, allowing European technology firms to collaborate with India’s vast digital workforce. It also contains labour, environment and women’s empowerment commitments, aligning trade flows with the EU’s sustainability agenda.

Strategic and defence dividends
The simultaneous Security and Defence Partnership gives the trade accord a geopolitical dimension. Signed on 27 January 2026, the pact builds a comprehensive framework for cooperation in maritime security, counterterrorism, cyber‑defence and emerging technologies. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said the partnership marks a new phase in relations and reflects how “the EU and India see the world changing in similar ways”. By aligning security interests, Europe hopes to embed India in a rules‑based order and create an Indo‑Pacific partner that can balance China’s influence, thus increasing the geopolitical payoff from deeper economic integration. The partnership also includes cooperation on space security, resilience of critical infrastructure and counter‑terrorism training, underlining that the EU’s gains are not merely commercial but strategic.

The truth behind the deal: limits and conditions
Ratification risks and delayed benefits
While political leaders celebrated, the FTA’s benefits will not be immediate. The legal text still needs to be reviewed, translated and approved by all 27 EU governments, the European Parliament and India’s parliament, a process that could take a year or more. Analysts caution that the ratification could face setbacks similar to the EU–Mercosur agreement, which has been challenged in the EU’s top court. Even after entry into force, many tariff cuts are phased in over up to ten years and low‑price cars as well as sensitive farm products are excluded entirely. Therefore, the claimed doubling of EU exports by 2032 will depend on smooth implementation and sustained political will on both sides.

Modest gains relative to global trade
Although labelled the “mother of all deals”, some analysts argue that the economic impact for Europe may be modest. EU–India goods trade was about €120 billion in 2024, a fraction of the EU’s trade with the United States or China. Even if EU exports to India double, they would remain small relative to the bloc’s global trade. Allianz estimates that Europe’s auto industry would gain less than USD 50 million in additional car exports because current car exports to India are only USD 300–400 million. The EU’s major export interests lie in machinery, chemicals and pharmaceuticals, while automotive gains attract headlines but deliver little material uplift.

Stringent conditions and mutual compromises
The FTA is less ambitious than some other EU deals. It leaves out government procurement, energy and raw materials and investment protection agreements, which are still being negotiated separately. Agriculture and dairy are largely excluded; India will maintain protections for rice, sugar, dairy and poultry. EU demands for far‑reaching environmental, labour and intellectual‑property standards have been controversial. India succeeded in limiting tariff elimination to around 97 % of EU exports and secured quotas for sensitive goods such as cars, steel and shrimps. Delhi also obtained a commitment that any flexibilities the EU grants other countries under its Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism will also apply to India, mitigating some of the impact of Europe’s new carbon levy.

Non‑tariff barriers and the carbon border tax
The greatest obstacles to EU gains may lie outside the tariff schedules. Indian exporters complain of stringent EU technical standards, certification costs and regulatory delays, while the EU is concerned about data security and market access in services. India’s trade community fears that Europe’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism could erode tariff gains by imposing duties on carbon‑intensive exports. A technical group and a €500 million EU fund have been created to help Indian firms verify carbon footprints and reduce emissions. For the EU, success will depend on the enforcement of environmental and labour provisions and on ensuring that India implements reforms to ease doing business.

Conclusion: beyond trade
The EU‑India trade pact represents the most comprehensive trade agreement either party has ever signed. For Europe it offers access to a vast and rapidly growing economy, savings in duties, diversification away from China and the United States, and a new strategic partner in the Indo‑Pacific. Tariffs on machinery, chemicals, pharmaceuticals and premium wines will fall sharply, and European firms will gain improved access to Indian services sectors. The accompanying security partnership underscores the geopolitical stakes: Europe aims to anchor India in a rules‑based order and counterbalance competitors in Asia. However, the deal is conditional, phased and subject to political hurdles. The economic gains are significant but remain limited relative to Europe’s overall trade. To realise its full potential, both sides must navigate ratification, implement reforms, and balance economic ambition with domestic sensitivities. Only then will the truth behind the deal – whether it truly delivers for Europe – become clear.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Iran war fuels terror risks

Terrorism fears, energy markets and geopolitical calculations have become deeply intertwined since the United States and Israel launched their assault on Iran. The assassination of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the sustained bombing campaign have unleashed ripple effects far beyond the Middle East. Officials across Europe and Asia warn that the conflict could trigger a wave of transnational terrorism and drive a spike in energy prices that would undermine economic stability.Across Europe, security services have been tracking a spate of attacks and foiled plots linked to Iranian networks. Recent analyses note that Iran has expanded its collaboration with criminal groups abroad, using them to intimidate dissidents and target journalists, politicians and Jewish communities in Western countries. Investigators in Germany found that a former motorcycle‑gang member was sponsored by Iran to plan an assault on a synagogue in Bochum, while U.S. prosecutors say members of a Russian organised crime network were paid to plot the killing of an Iranian‑American activist. Authorities warn that hiring criminals gives Tehran plausible deniability and allows it to contract violence without sustaining a permanent terrorist infrastructure. Security analysts caution that dissidents and activists who celebrated the Supreme Leader’s demise may become targets for Iran’s violence‑for‑hire networks, especially in countries that support the U.S. campaign. They also point out that Iranian agents embedded in embassies and other institutions could be activated to sabotage military bases or diplomatic facilities if the regime feels cornered.The immediate threat is not purely hypothetical. Since the war began on 28 February, at least eight incidents across Western and Eastern Europe have been linked to suspected Iranian sleeper cells. A network in Baku was dismantled after plotting to bomb the Israeli embassy, a synagogue and an oil pipeline; British police arrested four suspected operatives in London; improvised explosive devices detonated outside the U.S. embassy in Oslo and Jewish institutions in Liège, Rotterdam and Amsterdam; and a financial building in Amsterdam was bombed. Security services also arrested suspected spies surveilling a British nuclear submarine base. A new militant group calling itself Harakat Ashab al‑Yamin al‑Islamia claimed responsibility for some attacks and threatened more violence. Analysts warn that the group may be a front for Iran’s Revolutionary Guard or a disinformation campaign, but the attacks have already heightened anxiety across the continent. European governments say they have thwarted more than one hundred Iranian‑linked plots since 1979, and the current conflict has revived fears of reactivated sleeper cells.Beyond orchestrated networks, experts worry about individuals seeking revenge. The martyrdom narrative surrounding Khamenei’s death could motivate lone offenders who view violence as a sacred duty. U.S. investigators are treating the 1 March mass shooting at an Austin, Texas bar—where the perpetrator wore a hoodie emblazoned with an Iranian flag—as a terrorist attack potentially linked to the war. Similar shootings in Ontario and an attempted attack on a Michigan synagogue are under investigation for possible Iranian inspiration. National security officials caution that such events may be the tip of the spear and that other radicalised individuals could strike in Europe or North America. European Union intelligence services fear that Iranian militias or allied groups could exploit the chaos to free jihadist prisoners, amplifying the risk of an Islamic State resurgence.The conflict’s shockwaves are also threatening Europe’s energy security. The Strait of Hormuz, through which about one‑fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas once transited, is effectively closed by Iranian attacks on tankers and infrastructure. European energy officials warn that kerosene shipments from Middle Eastern refineries will cease by early April and that regional stockpiles may be insufficient to prevent spot shortages and soaring prices. Natural‑gas prices in Europe have jumped more than seventy per cent since the war began as traders fear extended disruption. Analysts note that Europe depends on the Middle East for about fifteen per cent of its jet fuel and has not fully refilled depleted gas storage after cutting Russian pipeline supplies. They caution that Asia’s large economies—China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan—could outbid Europe for scarce liquefied natural gas cargoes, driving prices even higher.Public frustration over Europe’s vulnerability is mounting. Commentary on social media reflects a perception that European leaders undermined their own security by shutting down nuclear reactors, blocking gas projects and relying on imports. Users lament the high cost of electricity and heating, argue that environmental policies left Europe unprepared for a supply shock and demand greater energy self‑sufficiency. Some accuse left‑wing governments of sacrificing economic resilience to ideological goals; others fear that Gulf producers could further restrict shipments and force rationing. These grievances, while anecdotal, illustrate how the war has become a lightning rod for broader discontent about energy policy.Similar tensions are developing in Asia. Southeast Asian governments have adopted a neutral stance toward the conflict, but analysts warn that Iran’s retaliatory measures could activate dormant networks across the region. With the world’s largest Muslim population concentrated in Indonesia and significant minorities across Malaysia, Brunei, Myanmar, the Philippines and Thailand, the region is watching for sectarian spillover. Experts note that Iran’s proxy Hezbollah staged operations in Thailand in the 1990s and caution that if the regime feels cornered it could call on sympathisers to mount attacks. Regional leaders worry that rising oil prices and travel risks will undermine tourism and that hundreds of thousands of migrant workers in the Middle East could be displaced, cutting remittance flows and dampening growth. The same sources emphasise that the war’s economic fallout complicates tariff negotiations with Washington and forces governments to balance diplomatic relations with domestic stability.Diplomats in Hanoi, Kuala Lumpur and Singapore are also recalibrating energy and trade strategies. Some neutral countries with high growth ambitions fear that prolonged instability will push inflation higher and disrupt supply chains. Thailand has formed a “war room” to manage the crisis after a commercial ship flying its flag was attacked by Iranian forces, while Vietnam and Indonesia are reconsidering trade pacts linked to U.S. policy. These debates underscore how the Iran conflict is reshaping economic planning across Asia.The broader geopolitical stakes are immense. Analysts warn that Iran’s collaboration with organised crime, the activation of sleeper cells, potential lone‑wolf attacks and the prospect of state‑led sabotage blur the line between war and terrorism. At the same time, the closure of strategic waterways has sparked fears of a prolonged energy crisis that could slow growth and stoke political unrest. Public dissatisfaction with energy policy and security concerns is intensifying across Europe and Asia. Unless the conflict de‑escalates and governments bolster counter‑terrorism cooperation and diversify energy supplies, the war in Iran could trigger a major crisis on two continents.