Coin Press - Greenland Deal – and now?

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Greenland Deal – and now?




Since the beginning of 2026, a diplomatic thriller has been unfolding around the Arctic island of Greenland. US President Donald Trump, who already wanted to buy the island in 2019, has made his claim state doctrine in his second term in office. He justifies this with geopolitical and security policy arguments and threatens European allies with punitive tariffs. Although the US and NATO have drawn up a preliminary framework agreement in Davos, the situation remains tense – and the inhabitants of Greenland continue to reject the takeover.

A conflict with a history
Trump had already started a trade war with the EU in the spring and summer of 2025. At that time, the Union relented in order to protect its ailing economy. With the mediation of Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Brussels accepted an asymmetrical agreement that abolished all tariffs on US goods, while Washington imposed a basic tariff of 15 per cent on imports from Europe and even higher tariffs on certain products. This ‘tariff turnaround’ served as a model for how the US president uses economic pressure to achieve political goals. When Trump renewed his threat in January 2026, he once again took a heavy toll on the trade front: from 1 February, tariffs of 10 per cent were to be imposed on goods from Germany, Denmark, France, Great Britain, Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Netherlands, rising to 25 per cent from 1 June – unless Denmark sold Greenland. For Germany's export-oriented industry, whose shipments to the US had already slumped by almost ten per cent in 2025, further tariffs would be a severe blow. Industry association representatives warned that the loss of confidence caused by Trump's unpredictability was jeopardising investment.

Threats and military signals
Trump justifies his demand for the takeover of Greenland by pointing out that Russia and China could gain a military foothold there. On 9 January, he declared that the US would not allow other powers to occupy the island; if Denmark did not sell, Washington would have to act ‘in a pleasant or more difficult manner’. In his short message service, he emphasised that the US had subsidised Europe for decades and that it was ‘time to give something back’. Words like these provoke memories of the Alaska and Louisiana purchases of the 19th century.

Europe responded to the threat not only with outrage, but also with action. Because talks between Denmark and the US had remained fruitless, several NATO countries sent a reconnaissance contingent to Greenland in mid-January; 15 German soldiers also took part. The mission was intended to assess the conditions for joint manoeuvres and to draw a ‘red line’ in the ice. The EU also issued a joint statement: it stood by the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity, customs threats endangered transatlantic relations, and it would respond in a united and coordinated manner. Vice-Chancellor Lars Klingbeil warned that Europe must not allow itself to be blackmailed. At the political level, individual states reacted differently: French President Emmanuel Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer openly condemned the threats, while German Chancellor Merz initially remained silent. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni called the tariffs ‘a mistake’ and called for de-escalation.

Trump's actions were also controversial in the US. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer announced his intention to stop the additional tariffs, with both Democrats and Republicans warning that higher tariffs would increase prices for families and businesses. Several governors – including Andy Beshear of Kentucky and Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan – described Trump's claim to Greenland as ‘stupid’ and emphasised that Americans did not want a takeover. Even Republican Governor Kevin Stitt admitted that the US could already establish military bases on the island and did not need to own it.

The supposed breakthrough in Davos
On the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Donald Trump met with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte on 21 January 2026. He then made a surprise announcement that a ‘great solution’ was in sight: a framework agreement had been reached, so the tariffs planned for 1 February would not be imposed for the time being.

Rutte confirmed that there was a rough plan and that further talks would follow. According to information from participants, the draft consists of four points: First, Washington will refrain from imposing the planned punitive tariffs for the time being; second, the 1951 stationing agreement is to be revised, taking into account the ‘Golden Dome’ missile defence project for a greater US presence in the Arctic; Thirdly, the US will have a say in investments in Greenland in order to prevent influence from China and Russia. Fourthly, European NATO countries will commit to greater involvement in the Arctic.

However, many questions remain unanswered. Neither Trump nor Rutte mentioned the sensitive issue of sovereignty, which Rutte said was ‘not an issue’. Observers therefore warn that this is merely a rough draft. European governments are urging caution and view the turnaround more as a respite. The EU special summit on the customs crisis is to take place despite the supposed deal in order to discuss a joint strategy.

Why Greenland is so coveted
Greenland is the world's largest island, rich in rare earths, gold, diamonds, uranium, zinc, lead and potential oil and gas reserves. Strategically located on the shortest route between North America and Europe, it already hosts a US air force base with an early warning system for ballistic missiles. Climate change is opening up new shipping routes, making the Arctic more economically attractive. For Washington, it is crucial that no other major power gains a foothold on the island. The Biden administration has already agreed on extensive access to the base in stationing agreements with Denmark; expansion would be possible even without a change of ownership.

Greenlanders say no – the people are fighting back
While politicians haggle over geopolitical treaties, the people of Greenland are speaking out. A survey conducted by the opinion research institute Verian on behalf of the Greenlandic newspaper Sermitsiaq and the Danish daily Berlingske found that 85 per cent of residents reject integration into the US; only six per cent would agree to annexation, while nine per cent are undecided. Deutschlandfunk also reported on a survey according to which 85 percent of Greenlanders reject the US plans.

Former head of government Múte B. Egede already stated in early 2025: "We don't want to be Danes. We don't want to be Americans either. We want to be Greenlanders." This statement sums up the mood of many citizens who have been campaigning for greater independence from Denmark for years but do not want to accept a new colonial ruler. Greenland's current head of government, Jens-Frederik Nielsen, is also pursuing a cautious path to independence. On 17 January 2026, under his leadership, thousands of demonstrators marched to the US consulate in Nuuk to protest against Trump's claims.

Europe between dependence and self-assertion
The Greenland dispute highlights how dependent European security is on the US. Several guests on the ZDF talk show ‘Maybrit Illner’ pointed out that Europe would not be viable today without NATO; the US provides the nuclear umbrella and many important capabilities. Experts therefore warned against an escalation that could lead to a breakdown of the alliance. On the programme, CDU foreign policy expert Norbert Röttgen remarked: ‘What is he supposed to do if the Greenlanders say no? Should he send 10,000 soldiers into the ice?’ Former Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, now President of the UN General Assembly, referred to the United Nations Charter: states have no right to invade the territory of other states, and the law of the strongest must not apply.

Nevertheless, there is a growing desire in Europe to become more independent. During Trump's first term in office, the EU laid the foundation for a European defence union with the ‘Permanent Structured Cooperation’ (PESCO). But true military sovereignty is still a long way off; many states fear they would be vulnerable without US support. At the same time, observers point out that Trump's pressure could also be directed against European regulations such as digital taxes or data protection guidelines.

Analysis and short-term outlook
The announcement of a framework agreement in Davos has defused the conflict over Greenland, at least for the time being. However, the alleged deal is based on vague wording. The central issue of sovereignty has been left out, and even US negotiators admit that the details still need to be worked out. The four agreed pillars – suspension of tariffs, reassessment of the stationing agreement, US say in investments and stronger European engagement – could be delayed indefinitely in practice. As long as Washington is not granted the right to annexation, Trump will continue to exert pressure.

For the EU, it remains a balancing act: on the one hand, it does not want to jeopardise its most important economic relations with the US; on the other hand, it must show that it defends the sovereignty of its members and partners. The conflict has reignited the debate on European autonomy. At the same time, cracks in the transatlantic partnership will not heal by themselves.

Meanwhile, the people of Greenland have made it clear that they are not prepared to sell their island. As long as this attitude persists, Trump will not be able to impose his will without resorting to massive force. And as Norbert Röttgen mockingly asked on a talk show, this would probably require sending 10,000 soldiers into the snow – a scenario that is not very popular even in Washington. In this respect, it seems likely that the dispute over Greenland will continue to strain transatlantic relations until a solution is found that respects both the security interests of the US and the sovereignty of the island's inhabitants.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Iran and the holy War risk

For now, Iran does not appear to be launching a formal holy war. But the question is no longer rhetorical. After the bombings that turned a long shadow conflict into an open regional war, religious language has moved from symbolic background noise toward the center of state messaging. The more important issue is not whether Tehran will suddenly summon the Muslim world into a single, borderless struggle. It is whether the Islamic Republic will fuse military retaliation, political succession, proxy activation and sacred rhetoric into a broader campaign that functions like a holy war without ever formally declaring one.The current crisis is already historic. Since the joint U.S.-Israeli attack of February 28, which killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and struck Iranian state and military targets, the conflict has spread across Israel, Lebanon, the Gulf and the energy corridors that underpin the global economy. Public death tolls inside Iran alone have climbed into the four figures. Even though international nuclear inspectors said early in the campaign that they had no indication several key nuclear installations had been hit or that radiation had spread beyond normal levels, later stages of the war clearly broadened toward oil storage, airports, command sites and urban infrastructure. This is no longer a contained deterrence exchange. It is a live contest over regime survival, regional order and strategic endurance.That is precisely why the phrase “holy war” must be handled with care. In January, influential voices inside Iran had already warned that any attack on the Supreme Leader would amount to a declaration of war against the wider Islamic world and could require a jihad decree. That language mattered then, and it matters even more now because the red line was crossed. Tehran can plausibly argue to its own hard-line base that the highest religious and political authority in the Islamic Republic was not merely challenged but assassinated. In ideological terms, that transforms retaliation from a policy choice into a sacred obligation. In political terms, it gives hard-liners a ready-made framework for widening the war.Yet rhetoric is not the same as doctrine, and doctrine is not the same as operational behavior. Iran’s response so far looks less like an uncontrolled call to universal religious uprising than a grim, state-directed campaign of calibrated punishment. Tehran has struck back with missiles, drones, maritime pressure and pressure on regional hosts of U.S. military power. It has also tried to impose costs on the world economy by turning the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz into instruments of leverage. This is not the behavior of a leadership abandoning strategy for blind zeal. It is the behavior of a regime trying to survive by making the war too costly, too wide and too economically dangerous for its enemies to sustain indefinitely.That distinction matters. A genuine, formal holy war would imply a sweeping call for open-ended religious mobilization across borders, one that subordinates ordinary state interests to an all-consuming theological struggle. Iran has not done that in any clear, universal sense. It has instead behaved as a revolutionary state that uses sacred language to reinforce legitimacy, discipline supporters and justify retaliation. That model predates the current crisis. The Islamic Republic has always blended theology, nationalism, martyrdom culture, anti-Western resistance and hard security logic. The bombings have intensified that blend, but they have not erased the regime’s instinct for calculation.The strongest evidence against an immediate full holy-war scenario is inside Iran itself. The system’s first imperative has not been global mobilization; it has been continuity. Even after decapitation strikes, the state moved to preserve command structures, delegate powers downward and push the Assembly of Experts toward selecting a successor. By March 8, that succession process had reportedly advanced to the point where a decision had been reached, even if the name had not yet been publicly revealed. That is a survival reflex. Regimes preparing for limitless religious war do not usually prioritize constitutional succession, elite cohesion and internal control. Regimes fighting for their lives do.Iran’s regional behavior also shows tension between ideological fury and strategic restraint. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s apology to Gulf neighbors was extraordinary, not because it ended the war, but because it exposed the conflict inside Tehran’s own response. On one side sits the logic of escalation: punish every state that hosts U.S. forces, widen the crisis, raise oil prices, frighten shipping markets and prove that the bombardment of Iran cannot remain geographically contained. On the other side sits the logic of isolation avoidance: do not drive every Arab state irreversibly into the opposing camp, do not convert every neighbor into an active launchpad for anti-Iran operations, and do not make regime survival impossible by fighting the entire region at once.This internal contradiction is one reason the phrase “holy war” can mislead. What is unfolding is more dangerous in practical terms and more limited in formal terms. Iran may never issue a clean, universal call for a civilizational war against all enemies of Islam, yet it can still encourage clerical sanction, mobilize militias, inspire cross-border attacks, bless cyber retaliation, empower covert cells and unleash proxy violence under a sacred frame. That would be a hybrid escalation: not a single global summons, but a diffuse religious legitimization of a long, dirty regional war. For civilians, ports, airports, desalination plants, shipping lanes and energy markets, the difference may feel almost academic.The role of Iran’s allied armed networks reinforces that point. Hezbollah has entered the conflict, but not from a position of unchallenged strength. Its intervention has deepened political strain in Lebanon and highlighted how even Iran’s most loyal partners are balancing solidarity against self-preservation. Other aligned groups face similar pressures. The so-called axis can still hurt Israel, U.S. assets and regional infrastructure, but it is not a frictionless machine awaiting one theological command to move in perfect unity. The more Tehran leans on proxies, the more it reveals that its preferred method remains layered coercion, not a single dramatic declaration of holy war.There is also a sectarian and geopolitical reality that limits the holy-war model. The Muslim world is not a single mobilizable bloc waiting for instructions from Tehran. Iran is a Shiite theocratic state with revolutionary ambitions, but its appeal across Sunni-majority states is uneven at best and sharply contested at worst. Gulf monarchies, already targeted by Iranian missiles and drones, are not natural participants in an Iranian-led sacred struggle. Many of them fear Tehran at least as much as they oppose the bombing campaign against it. That means Iran’s religious messaging may galvanize sympathizers, militants and ideological fellow travelers, but it is unlikely to unify the wider Islamic world behind one war banner.Still, dismissing the danger would be a grave mistake. The holy-war language matters because words can widen the menu of violence. Once a conflict is framed as sacred defense rather than national retaliation alone, thresholds can drop. Assassinations, sabotage, maritime attacks, strikes on civilian-linked infrastructure and violence by semi-deniable actors all become easier to justify. A state under bombardment, mourning its supreme leader and fighting for institutional survival may decide that conventional retaliation is not enough. If Tehran concludes that it cannot win symmetrically, it may authorize a looser, more ideological pattern of warfare stretching from the Gulf to the Mediterranean and beyond.The economic front is equally important. Iran understands that energy fear can be weaponized. Even limited disruption in the Strait of Hormuz sends shockwaves through insurance, shipping, aviation and inflation expectations worldwide. That leverage is politically valuable because it turns a military confrontation into a global pressure campaign. A formal holy war would demand maximal ideological mobilization. A survival war, by contrast, rewards selective disruption, ambiguity and controlled chaos. Tehran’s actions so far fit the second model more closely than the first.This is why the most serious answer to the headline question is not a simple yes or no. Iran is unlikely to launch a classic holy war in the simplistic sense of a formal, total religious call to arms that instantly unites the Muslim world under its banner. But it is already moving toward something more contemporary and, in some ways, more destabilizing: a war of survival wrapped in sacred legitimacy, regional coercion and asymmetric retaliation. The bombings have not merely invited revenge. They have strengthened the argument of those in Tehran who believe compromise invites death and that only resistance sanctified by faith can preserve the system.So the real risk is not that Iran suddenly abandons strategy for theology. The real risk is that strategy and theology fuse more tightly than before. If that fusion hardens, the war will not remain a sequence of missile exchanges and air raids. It will become a broader contest over succession, legitimacy, energy, maritime freedom, proxy warfare and the right to define resistance as a religious duty. In that environment, the phrase “holy war” may remain officially ambiguous, but its practical effects could become visible across the entire region.