Coin Press - Miracle in Germany: VW soars

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Miracle in Germany: VW soars




After years of sluggish performance and a dramatic plunge in profits, Volkswagen Group has stunned investors with a remarkable rebound. The company that once seemed mired in structural problems and market headwinds has recalibrated its strategy, restructured operations and embraced electrification to deliver a turnaround that many thought impossible. This article explains how the German carmaker fell so far and what has propelled its recent surge.

The long slide: profits and shares collapse
Volkswagen’s troubles became starkly apparent in late 2024. The group’s earnings before tax for the third quarter crashed almost 60 percent to €2.4 billion, down from €5.8 billion a year earlier. Sales slumped in China, its most important market, and costly electric vehicles (EVs) struggled to find buyers after Germany ended purchase subsidies. Management acknowledged that cutbacks were looming as it planned to close under‑utilised assembly lines and trim labour costs.

The slump was mirrored in the stock market. By mid‑2024 the share price had tumbled 72 percent from its 2021 peak to a 14‑year low near €91, wiping billions from investors’ holdings. Analysts blamed structural problems: high wage costs and overstaffing in Germany, expensive energy, and the legacy of Dieselgate litigation. Its operating margin for the first nine months of 2024 was just 2.1 percent, far below peers, raising fears that Europe’s largest carmaker was becoming uncompetitive.

Further pain arrived in early 2025. U.S. tariffs on cars exported from Europe, introduced by the Trump administration, led to a €1.5‑billion hit in the first half and forced Volkswagen to cut its sales and profit margin guidance. At the same time, the company booked a 4.7‑billion‑euro charge at Porsche related to a reversal of its electric‑vehicle strategy. The passenger‑car division’s operating profit plummeted 84.9 percent as electric models remained costly to build.

Strategic reset: cost‑cutting and partnerships
Recognising the severity of the situation, chief executive Oliver Blume launched an aggressive restructuring programme. Management promised to cut over 35 000 jobs through natural attrition by the end of the decade and aimed to save €1 billion annually by trimming bureaucracy and simplifying product lines. The company also reduced its five‑year investment plan by €15 billion, focusing resources on core brands and promising to make electric models profitable.

A key catalyst for renewed investor confidence was Volkswagen’s decision to accelerate electrification and seek external expertise. In June 2024 the group announced a joint venture with U.S. start‑up Rivian. Volkswagen committed to invest up to US$5 billion in Rivian and to develop a next‑generation software‑defined vehicle platform combining Rivian’s advanced electronics and software with Volkswagen’s scale. Executives highlighted that the partnership would allow both companies to share components, reduce costs and deliver connected vehicles faster.

Volkswagen also expanded its battery‑cell operations through subsidiary PowerCo and renegotiated supply agreements to lower input costs. By building new battery plants in Germany, Spain and Canada, the group aims to secure up to 170 gigawatt‑hours of capacity, although some projects have been delayed in response to weaker near‑term EV demand.

Electrification pays off: EV sales surge
The pivot toward electrification began to bear fruit in 2025. In the first half of the year, the group’s battery‑electric vehicle (BEV) deliveries rose by about 50 percent compared with the previous year. Total BEV sales reached 465 500, raising the battery‑electric share of total deliveries from 7 percent to 11 percent. The improvement was driven by strong demand in Europe, where BEV deliveries jumped about 90 percent; the group captured roughly 28 percent of the European BEV market and became the regional leader. New models such as the long‑range ID.7 sedan and the refreshed ID.4 crossover helped attract customers, while Skoda and Audi expanded their electric line‑ups.

Robust order inflows underscored growing confidence: the company reported that outstanding BEV orders in Western Europe were more than 60 percent higher than a year earlier. This surge indicated that the supply‑chain problems and software glitches that had plagued earlier launches were being resolved.

Investor sentiment improves
Despite the heavy tariff hit, the second half of 2025 brought signs of stabilisation. In July the company trimmed its full‑year sales and margin guidance, acknowledging that tariffs and restructuring costs would weigh on results, but shares recovered from a 4.6 percent fall to end the day 1 percent higher as investors were reassured that losses were contained and that luxury brands Audi and Porsche would recover in 2026. Chief executive Blume told investors that cost‑cutting had to be accelerated and expressed confidence that a trade deal reducing U.S. tariffs from 25 percent to 15 percent would materially improve margins.

In October, ahead of third‑quarter results, Volkswagen held a pre‑close call with investors. Analysts described the message as “reassuring”: management said operating profit would likely stay within guidance despite the tariff drag. Investors were comforted by solid sales momentum in the core brand, and the share price gained about 1.2 percent in early trading.

The group’s long‑term outlook remains cautious. In March it forecast a 2025 operating profit margin of 5.5–6.5 percent, only slightly above 2024 levels, as the costs of ramping up EV and battery production and uncertainties around U.S. trade policy continue to weigh on earnings. Yet analysts noted that the upper end of the margin range exceeded market expectations and called the plan credible.

Conclusion: from despair to cautious optimism
Volkswagen’s dramatic rebound after a 60 percent profit collapse illustrates how quickly fortunes can change when decisive action meets shifting market dynamics. Aggressive cost‑cutting, a strategic partnership with Rivian and a renewed focus on battery‑electric vehicles have begun to lift profits and restore investor confidence. While challenges remain – including unresolved trade tensions, high manufacturing costs and intense competition from Chinese EV manufacturers – the German giant has demonstrated that it can adapt. The “miracle” is not a sudden transformation but the result of disciplined restructuring, technological collaboration and a growing appetite for electric vehicles. Investors who once despaired at sinking margins now see signs of a sustainable turnaround.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Iran and the holy War risk

For now, Iran does not appear to be launching a formal holy war. But the question is no longer rhetorical. After the bombings that turned a long shadow conflict into an open regional war, religious language has moved from symbolic background noise toward the center of state messaging. The more important issue is not whether Tehran will suddenly summon the Muslim world into a single, borderless struggle. It is whether the Islamic Republic will fuse military retaliation, political succession, proxy activation and sacred rhetoric into a broader campaign that functions like a holy war without ever formally declaring one.The current crisis is already historic. Since the joint U.S.-Israeli attack of February 28, which killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and struck Iranian state and military targets, the conflict has spread across Israel, Lebanon, the Gulf and the energy corridors that underpin the global economy. Public death tolls inside Iran alone have climbed into the four figures. Even though international nuclear inspectors said early in the campaign that they had no indication several key nuclear installations had been hit or that radiation had spread beyond normal levels, later stages of the war clearly broadened toward oil storage, airports, command sites and urban infrastructure. This is no longer a contained deterrence exchange. It is a live contest over regime survival, regional order and strategic endurance.That is precisely why the phrase “holy war” must be handled with care. In January, influential voices inside Iran had already warned that any attack on the Supreme Leader would amount to a declaration of war against the wider Islamic world and could require a jihad decree. That language mattered then, and it matters even more now because the red line was crossed. Tehran can plausibly argue to its own hard-line base that the highest religious and political authority in the Islamic Republic was not merely challenged but assassinated. In ideological terms, that transforms retaliation from a policy choice into a sacred obligation. In political terms, it gives hard-liners a ready-made framework for widening the war.Yet rhetoric is not the same as doctrine, and doctrine is not the same as operational behavior. Iran’s response so far looks less like an uncontrolled call to universal religious uprising than a grim, state-directed campaign of calibrated punishment. Tehran has struck back with missiles, drones, maritime pressure and pressure on regional hosts of U.S. military power. It has also tried to impose costs on the world economy by turning the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz into instruments of leverage. This is not the behavior of a leadership abandoning strategy for blind zeal. It is the behavior of a regime trying to survive by making the war too costly, too wide and too economically dangerous for its enemies to sustain indefinitely.That distinction matters. A genuine, formal holy war would imply a sweeping call for open-ended religious mobilization across borders, one that subordinates ordinary state interests to an all-consuming theological struggle. Iran has not done that in any clear, universal sense. It has instead behaved as a revolutionary state that uses sacred language to reinforce legitimacy, discipline supporters and justify retaliation. That model predates the current crisis. The Islamic Republic has always blended theology, nationalism, martyrdom culture, anti-Western resistance and hard security logic. The bombings have intensified that blend, but they have not erased the regime’s instinct for calculation.The strongest evidence against an immediate full holy-war scenario is inside Iran itself. The system’s first imperative has not been global mobilization; it has been continuity. Even after decapitation strikes, the state moved to preserve command structures, delegate powers downward and push the Assembly of Experts toward selecting a successor. By March 8, that succession process had reportedly advanced to the point where a decision had been reached, even if the name had not yet been publicly revealed. That is a survival reflex. Regimes preparing for limitless religious war do not usually prioritize constitutional succession, elite cohesion and internal control. Regimes fighting for their lives do.Iran’s regional behavior also shows tension between ideological fury and strategic restraint. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s apology to Gulf neighbors was extraordinary, not because it ended the war, but because it exposed the conflict inside Tehran’s own response. On one side sits the logic of escalation: punish every state that hosts U.S. forces, widen the crisis, raise oil prices, frighten shipping markets and prove that the bombardment of Iran cannot remain geographically contained. On the other side sits the logic of isolation avoidance: do not drive every Arab state irreversibly into the opposing camp, do not convert every neighbor into an active launchpad for anti-Iran operations, and do not make regime survival impossible by fighting the entire region at once.This internal contradiction is one reason the phrase “holy war” can mislead. What is unfolding is more dangerous in practical terms and more limited in formal terms. Iran may never issue a clean, universal call for a civilizational war against all enemies of Islam, yet it can still encourage clerical sanction, mobilize militias, inspire cross-border attacks, bless cyber retaliation, empower covert cells and unleash proxy violence under a sacred frame. That would be a hybrid escalation: not a single global summons, but a diffuse religious legitimization of a long, dirty regional war. For civilians, ports, airports, desalination plants, shipping lanes and energy markets, the difference may feel almost academic.The role of Iran’s allied armed networks reinforces that point. Hezbollah has entered the conflict, but not from a position of unchallenged strength. Its intervention has deepened political strain in Lebanon and highlighted how even Iran’s most loyal partners are balancing solidarity against self-preservation. Other aligned groups face similar pressures. The so-called axis can still hurt Israel, U.S. assets and regional infrastructure, but it is not a frictionless machine awaiting one theological command to move in perfect unity. The more Tehran leans on proxies, the more it reveals that its preferred method remains layered coercion, not a single dramatic declaration of holy war.There is also a sectarian and geopolitical reality that limits the holy-war model. The Muslim world is not a single mobilizable bloc waiting for instructions from Tehran. Iran is a Shiite theocratic state with revolutionary ambitions, but its appeal across Sunni-majority states is uneven at best and sharply contested at worst. Gulf monarchies, already targeted by Iranian missiles and drones, are not natural participants in an Iranian-led sacred struggle. Many of them fear Tehran at least as much as they oppose the bombing campaign against it. That means Iran’s religious messaging may galvanize sympathizers, militants and ideological fellow travelers, but it is unlikely to unify the wider Islamic world behind one war banner.Still, dismissing the danger would be a grave mistake. The holy-war language matters because words can widen the menu of violence. Once a conflict is framed as sacred defense rather than national retaliation alone, thresholds can drop. Assassinations, sabotage, maritime attacks, strikes on civilian-linked infrastructure and violence by semi-deniable actors all become easier to justify. A state under bombardment, mourning its supreme leader and fighting for institutional survival may decide that conventional retaliation is not enough. If Tehran concludes that it cannot win symmetrically, it may authorize a looser, more ideological pattern of warfare stretching from the Gulf to the Mediterranean and beyond.The economic front is equally important. Iran understands that energy fear can be weaponized. Even limited disruption in the Strait of Hormuz sends shockwaves through insurance, shipping, aviation and inflation expectations worldwide. That leverage is politically valuable because it turns a military confrontation into a global pressure campaign. A formal holy war would demand maximal ideological mobilization. A survival war, by contrast, rewards selective disruption, ambiguity and controlled chaos. Tehran’s actions so far fit the second model more closely than the first.This is why the most serious answer to the headline question is not a simple yes or no. Iran is unlikely to launch a classic holy war in the simplistic sense of a formal, total religious call to arms that instantly unites the Muslim world under its banner. But it is already moving toward something more contemporary and, in some ways, more destabilizing: a war of survival wrapped in sacred legitimacy, regional coercion and asymmetric retaliation. The bombings have not merely invited revenge. They have strengthened the argument of those in Tehran who believe compromise invites death and that only resistance sanctified by faith can preserve the system.So the real risk is not that Iran suddenly abandons strategy for theology. The real risk is that strategy and theology fuse more tightly than before. If that fusion hardens, the war will not remain a sequence of missile exchanges and air raids. It will become a broader contest over succession, legitimacy, energy, maritime freedom, proxy warfare and the right to define resistance as a religious duty. In that environment, the phrase “holy war” may remain officially ambiguous, but its practical effects could become visible across the entire region.