Coin Press - Trump's threats to Colombia

NYSE - LSE
RBGPF 0.12% 82.5 $
RELX -0.12% 34.14 $
VOD 0.69% 14.41 $
RYCEF -7.01% 16.12 $
CMSC -0.65% 22.99 $
BTI 0.07% 59.93 $
BCE -0.43% 25.57 $
GSK -1.67% 53.39 $
NGG 0.1% 90.9 $
CMSD -0.48% 22.99 $
RIO -3.27% 87.83 $
JRI -1.83% 12.59 $
BCC 0.54% 70 $
AZN -1.37% 189.9 $
BP 1.2% 42.67 $

Trump's threats to Colombia




The relationship between Washington and Bogotá is being tested by an escalating dispute that has the potential to destabilise the wider region. During a White House cabinet meeting in early December 2025, the United States president declared that any country shipping illegal drugs into the U.S. “is subject to attack.” He singled out Colombia, saying he had heard the South American nation “makes cocaine” and warned that its leader would “be next” if he did not “wise up.” Those remarks, delivered with television cameras rolling, came after months of spiralling tensions and signalled a significant departure from decades of cooperation between the two countries on counter‑narcotics policy.

At the heart of the confrontation is the war on drugs. Colombia remains the world’s largest producer of coca, the shrub used to produce cocaine, with more than 250,000 hectares under cultivation according to recent United Nations estimates. The U.S. government has long provided billions of dollars in aid to support eradication campaigns, but the current administration argues that those efforts are failing. In September it took the unprecedented step of “decertifying” Colombia’s anti‑narcotics programme for the first time since the late 1990s, effectively declaring Bogotá an unreliable partner and threatening hundreds of millions of dollars in assistance. Officials in Washington also imposed personal sanctions on Colombia’s president, his family members and senior advisers, revoked his visa, froze any assets under U.S. jurisdiction and hinted at broader economic penalties.

Military muscle has accompanied the diplomatic pressure. Over the past several months, the United States has deployed its largest aircraft carrier and nearly 15,000 troops to the Caribbean Sea while launching more than twenty missile strikes on small vessels it claims were transporting drugs. The bombardments have killed dozens of people, including at least two Colombian citizens. Human rights organisations and some U.S. lawmakers have condemned the attacks as extrajudicial killings, noting that the government has not provided public evidence to justify them. Even so, the president has suggested that the campaign may soon expand to land targets; during the same cabinet meeting he asserted that “the land is much easier” and that “anybody” who sells drugs into the United States could be bombed. He later seized a Venezuelan oil tanker to punish Caracas for alleged sanctions violations, hinting that Colombia could be the next target if it did not fall into line.

These actions are closely linked to a personal and ideological clash with Colombia’s head of state. The Colombian leader, a former guerrilla who became the country’s first left‑wing president in 2022, has used his platform to call for a new approach to drug policy and to criticise the U.S. military’s bombing of small boats in the Caribbean. He also condemned the president’s support for Israel’s war in Gaza and refused to accept deportation flights when Colombian migrants were shackled, leading to an early diplomatic spat. In response, Washington slapped tariffs on Colombian exports of up to 50 percent, revoked the president’s U.S. visa after he joined a pro‑Palestinian demonstration in New York and labelled him a “drug lord”. The animosity escalated when the Colombian president suggested U.S. soldiers should disobey any order they consider unlawful; soon after, the U.S. placed financial sanctions on him and his family and removed Colombia from its list of trusted counter‑narcotics partners.

Colombia has not taken these provocations lying down. In a series of social‑media messages and public statements, its president warned that threatening the country’s sovereignty “is to declare war” and cautioned the U.S. leader not to “awake the jaguar”. He invited his counterpart to visit Colombia to witness the destruction of drug‑processing laboratories, noting that his government dismantles a laboratory every forty minutes and has destroyed more than eighteen thousand facilities. He also emphasised that Colombian security forces have carried out more than a thousand ground operations against criminal networks, seized more than 2,700 tonnes of cocaine and conducted thirteen aerial bombings during his administration. “If any country has helped stop thousands of tons of cocaine from being consumed by Americans, it is Colombia,” he said, adding that missile strikes on fishermen “are not fighting narco‑terrorists” and serve only to punish the poor. His administration argues that crop substitution, peace talks with armed groups and attacking criminal financial networks offer a more humane and effective path than mass eradication.

The confrontation has reverberated across Colombia and the wider region. The National Liberation Army (ELN), the country’s largest remaining rebel group, announced in mid‑December that it would conduct military drills and ordered civilians to stay off roads and rivers for several days in preparation for a possible U.S. intervention. The Colombian defence minister dismissed the directive as “criminal coercion” but pledged to keep troops in place. Human rights experts at the United Nations and regional organisations have warned that any U.S. attack on Colombian soil would violate international law and risk reigniting an internal conflict that the country has spent years trying to end. Analysts also caution that decertification and aid cuts could weaken Colombia’s security forces, undermining efforts to combat armed groups and increasing violence. Critics see the U.S. president’s tough talk as part of a strategy to project strength, rally domestic supporters and reassert U.S. dominance in Latin America under a rebranded “Monroe Doctrine,” while potentially paving the way for regime change in neighbouring Venezuela.

There is also a broader strategic dimension. Some observers believe Washington’s focus on drugs masks a desire to control Venezuela’s vast oil reserves and punish left‑leaning governments across the region. Others point to the timing of the threats, noting that Colombia will hold elections in 2026 and that the U.S. president has a history of intervening in other countries’ political processes. By revoking visas, imposing sanctions and threatening tariffs, Washington could influence voter sentiment and weaken the incumbent’s reform agenda. Meanwhile, Colombia has sought closer ties with China and the European Union to offset the potential loss of U.S. aid, signalling a shift in geopolitical alliances.

The stakes are high. Colombia has been a crucial partner in U.S. intelligence operations, and cooperation has disrupted many criminal networks. If relations continue to deteriorate, both countries risk losing valuable intelligence, weakening counter‑drug efforts and allowing armed groups to expand. In the short term, the rhetoric has already caused anger and fear among ordinary Colombians and has emboldened rebel groups. In the long term, a U.S. strike on Colombian territory could plunge the region into a wider conflict and unravel years of progress toward peace.



Featured


Long live Ukraine - Хай живе Україна - Да здравствует Украина

Es lebe die Ukraine - Да здравствует Украина - Long live Ukraine - Хай живе Україна - Nech žije Ukrajina - Länge leve Ukraina - תחי אוקראינה - Lang leve Oekraïne - Да живее Украйна - Elagu Ukraina - Kauan eläköön Ukraina - Vive l'Ukraine - Ζήτω η Ουκρανία - 乌克兰万岁 - Viva Ucrania - Ať žije Ukrajina - Çok yaşa Ukrayna - Viva a Ucrânia - Trăiască Ucraina - ウクライナ万歳 - Tegyvuoja Ukraina - Lai dzīvo Ukraina - Viva l'Ucraina - Hidup Ukraina - تحيا أوكرانيا - Vivat Ucraina - ขอให้ยูเครนจงเจริญ - Ucraina muôn năm - ژوندی دی وی اوکراین - Yashasin Ukraina - Озак яшә Украина - Živjela Ukrajina - 우크라이나 만세 - Mabuhay ang Ukraine - Lenge leve Ukraina - Nyob ntev Ukraine - Да живее Украина - გაუმარჯოს უკრაინას - Hidup Ukraine - Vivu Ukrainio - Længe leve Ukraine - Živjela Ukrajina - Жыве Украіна - Yaşasın Ukrayna - Lengi lifi Úkraína - Lank lewe die Oekraïne

Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Iran and the holy War risk

For now, Iran does not appear to be launching a formal holy war. But the question is no longer rhetorical. After the bombings that turned a long shadow conflict into an open regional war, religious language has moved from symbolic background noise toward the center of state messaging. The more important issue is not whether Tehran will suddenly summon the Muslim world into a single, borderless struggle. It is whether the Islamic Republic will fuse military retaliation, political succession, proxy activation and sacred rhetoric into a broader campaign that functions like a holy war without ever formally declaring one.The current crisis is already historic. Since the joint U.S.-Israeli attack of February 28, which killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and struck Iranian state and military targets, the conflict has spread across Israel, Lebanon, the Gulf and the energy corridors that underpin the global economy. Public death tolls inside Iran alone have climbed into the four figures. Even though international nuclear inspectors said early in the campaign that they had no indication several key nuclear installations had been hit or that radiation had spread beyond normal levels, later stages of the war clearly broadened toward oil storage, airports, command sites and urban infrastructure. This is no longer a contained deterrence exchange. It is a live contest over regime survival, regional order and strategic endurance.That is precisely why the phrase “holy war” must be handled with care. In January, influential voices inside Iran had already warned that any attack on the Supreme Leader would amount to a declaration of war against the wider Islamic world and could require a jihad decree. That language mattered then, and it matters even more now because the red line was crossed. Tehran can plausibly argue to its own hard-line base that the highest religious and political authority in the Islamic Republic was not merely challenged but assassinated. In ideological terms, that transforms retaliation from a policy choice into a sacred obligation. In political terms, it gives hard-liners a ready-made framework for widening the war.Yet rhetoric is not the same as doctrine, and doctrine is not the same as operational behavior. Iran’s response so far looks less like an uncontrolled call to universal religious uprising than a grim, state-directed campaign of calibrated punishment. Tehran has struck back with missiles, drones, maritime pressure and pressure on regional hosts of U.S. military power. It has also tried to impose costs on the world economy by turning the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz into instruments of leverage. This is not the behavior of a leadership abandoning strategy for blind zeal. It is the behavior of a regime trying to survive by making the war too costly, too wide and too economically dangerous for its enemies to sustain indefinitely.That distinction matters. A genuine, formal holy war would imply a sweeping call for open-ended religious mobilization across borders, one that subordinates ordinary state interests to an all-consuming theological struggle. Iran has not done that in any clear, universal sense. It has instead behaved as a revolutionary state that uses sacred language to reinforce legitimacy, discipline supporters and justify retaliation. That model predates the current crisis. The Islamic Republic has always blended theology, nationalism, martyrdom culture, anti-Western resistance and hard security logic. The bombings have intensified that blend, but they have not erased the regime’s instinct for calculation.The strongest evidence against an immediate full holy-war scenario is inside Iran itself. The system’s first imperative has not been global mobilization; it has been continuity. Even after decapitation strikes, the state moved to preserve command structures, delegate powers downward and push the Assembly of Experts toward selecting a successor. By March 8, that succession process had reportedly advanced to the point where a decision had been reached, even if the name had not yet been publicly revealed. That is a survival reflex. Regimes preparing for limitless religious war do not usually prioritize constitutional succession, elite cohesion and internal control. Regimes fighting for their lives do.Iran’s regional behavior also shows tension between ideological fury and strategic restraint. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s apology to Gulf neighbors was extraordinary, not because it ended the war, but because it exposed the conflict inside Tehran’s own response. On one side sits the logic of escalation: punish every state that hosts U.S. forces, widen the crisis, raise oil prices, frighten shipping markets and prove that the bombardment of Iran cannot remain geographically contained. On the other side sits the logic of isolation avoidance: do not drive every Arab state irreversibly into the opposing camp, do not convert every neighbor into an active launchpad for anti-Iran operations, and do not make regime survival impossible by fighting the entire region at once.This internal contradiction is one reason the phrase “holy war” can mislead. What is unfolding is more dangerous in practical terms and more limited in formal terms. Iran may never issue a clean, universal call for a civilizational war against all enemies of Islam, yet it can still encourage clerical sanction, mobilize militias, inspire cross-border attacks, bless cyber retaliation, empower covert cells and unleash proxy violence under a sacred frame. That would be a hybrid escalation: not a single global summons, but a diffuse religious legitimization of a long, dirty regional war. For civilians, ports, airports, desalination plants, shipping lanes and energy markets, the difference may feel almost academic.The role of Iran’s allied armed networks reinforces that point. Hezbollah has entered the conflict, but not from a position of unchallenged strength. Its intervention has deepened political strain in Lebanon and highlighted how even Iran’s most loyal partners are balancing solidarity against self-preservation. Other aligned groups face similar pressures. The so-called axis can still hurt Israel, U.S. assets and regional infrastructure, but it is not a frictionless machine awaiting one theological command to move in perfect unity. The more Tehran leans on proxies, the more it reveals that its preferred method remains layered coercion, not a single dramatic declaration of holy war.There is also a sectarian and geopolitical reality that limits the holy-war model. The Muslim world is not a single mobilizable bloc waiting for instructions from Tehran. Iran is a Shiite theocratic state with revolutionary ambitions, but its appeal across Sunni-majority states is uneven at best and sharply contested at worst. Gulf monarchies, already targeted by Iranian missiles and drones, are not natural participants in an Iranian-led sacred struggle. Many of them fear Tehran at least as much as they oppose the bombing campaign against it. That means Iran’s religious messaging may galvanize sympathizers, militants and ideological fellow travelers, but it is unlikely to unify the wider Islamic world behind one war banner.Still, dismissing the danger would be a grave mistake. The holy-war language matters because words can widen the menu of violence. Once a conflict is framed as sacred defense rather than national retaliation alone, thresholds can drop. Assassinations, sabotage, maritime attacks, strikes on civilian-linked infrastructure and violence by semi-deniable actors all become easier to justify. A state under bombardment, mourning its supreme leader and fighting for institutional survival may decide that conventional retaliation is not enough. If Tehran concludes that it cannot win symmetrically, it may authorize a looser, more ideological pattern of warfare stretching from the Gulf to the Mediterranean and beyond.The economic front is equally important. Iran understands that energy fear can be weaponized. Even limited disruption in the Strait of Hormuz sends shockwaves through insurance, shipping, aviation and inflation expectations worldwide. That leverage is politically valuable because it turns a military confrontation into a global pressure campaign. A formal holy war would demand maximal ideological mobilization. A survival war, by contrast, rewards selective disruption, ambiguity and controlled chaos. Tehran’s actions so far fit the second model more closely than the first.This is why the most serious answer to the headline question is not a simple yes or no. Iran is unlikely to launch a classic holy war in the simplistic sense of a formal, total religious call to arms that instantly unites the Muslim world under its banner. But it is already moving toward something more contemporary and, in some ways, more destabilizing: a war of survival wrapped in sacred legitimacy, regional coercion and asymmetric retaliation. The bombings have not merely invited revenge. They have strengthened the argument of those in Tehran who believe compromise invites death and that only resistance sanctified by faith can preserve the system.So the real risk is not that Iran suddenly abandons strategy for theology. The real risk is that strategy and theology fuse more tightly than before. If that fusion hardens, the war will not remain a sequence of missile exchanges and air raids. It will become a broader contest over succession, legitimacy, energy, maritime freedom, proxy warfare and the right to define resistance as a religious duty. In that environment, the phrase “holy war” may remain officially ambiguous, but its practical effects could become visible across the entire region.