Coin Press - Israel: Economy on the edge

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Israel: Economy on the edge




After two years of fighting in Gaza and growing international isolation, Israel’s economy is facing unprecedented strains. Once a regional growth engine, the country now grapples with ballooning war costs, surging consumer prices, labour shortages, crumbling public finances and a declining credit standing. The signs of distress are evident across households, businesses and government accounts.

War‑Related Damage and Fiscal Strain
The war in Gaza, which began after the October 7 2023 attacks, has inflicted both human and economic devastation. Gaza’s authorities estimate that more than 67 000 Palestinians have been killed and Israel reports that Hamas killed 1 200 people in the initial attack. Economic activity in Gaza and the West Bank has collapsed. The conflict has cost the Israeli economy about US$43 billion since October 2023 and has slowed GDP growth from high single‑digit rates to 0.9 % in 2024. Defence spending is expected to almost double compared with 2022, pushing the debt‑to‑GDP ratio from 61 % in 2023 to roughly 70 % in 2024 and swelling the budget deficit to 8.5 % of GDP.

Israel has financed wartime expenditure through borrowing. The state raised US$8 billion on international markets in March 2024 and US$5 billion in February 2025, relying partly on US military aid. However, analysts warn that war‑related labour shortages and the ongoing mobilisation of reservists are stalling growth: the central bank trimmed its 2025 growth estimate to 2.5 %, down from 3.3 %, and sees the economy expanding only if hostilities end. A former deputy governor estimated that failure to achieve a lasting ceasefire could push debt above 90 % of GDP by 2030, triggering credit downgrades.

Cost‑of‑Living Crisis and Tax Hikes
Consumers are feeling the pinch. Israel ranks among the developed world’s most expensive countries; its price levels are the fourth highest in the OECD. The Organisation for Economic Co‑operation and Development (OECD) attributes high prices to a mix of geographical constraints, steep tariffs on food imports, strict product‑market regulations and limited competition. Administrative red tape and complex planning rules restrict housing supply, while a vibrant high‑tech sector coexists with low‑productivity industries, creating large wage disparities. In 2025 the state comptroller warned that the cost of living was skyrocketing: prices for basic goods were 51 % higher than those in the European Union and 37 % above the OECD average, with three corporations controlling over 85 % of many food categories. These monopolistic structures enable retailers to raise prices during times of shortage.

At the start of 2025, Israelis faced further blows. The value‑added tax was raised from 17 % to 18 %, increasing the cost of nearly all goods. National Insurance contributions were increased by ₪1 000–2 000 per household, income tax brackets were frozen so that salaries do not keep pace with inflation and the surtax on high earners rose from 3 % to 5 %. Municipal property taxes can rise 5.2 %, with higher levies on newer buildings, while electricity prices climb 3.5 % and water charges 2 %. These measures are intended to narrow the fiscal gap caused by wartime expenditure but further squeeze households’ disposable income and risk fuelling social unrest.

High Cost of Living and Structural Problems
Israel’s cost‑of‑living problem is not new. Protests against soaring housing and food prices date back more than a decade, from the 2011 tent protests to the 2014 “Milky” boycott. Analysis by the OECD highlights deep structural causes. Israel’s distance from major trading partners and tense regional relations limit trade opportunities, while difficult border procedures, complex regulatory standards and tariffs on agricultural imports raise import costs. Limited competition and strict product‑market regulation slow productivity growth and prevent savings from being passed on to consumers. Housing is particularly unaffordable: administrative red tape restricts supply and planning obstacles make urban development sluggish.

The OECD therefore recommends sweeping reforms: remove trade barriers and bureaucratic hurdles to strengthen competition, establish a “one‑stop shop” for business licensing and adopt a “silence is consent” principle for issuing permits, simplify import licensing and lower tariffs on vegetables, fruit and dairy. Easing planning regulations, accelerating urban renewal and investing in public transport would expand housing supply and reduce costs. Without such measures, high prices will continue to erode purchasing power.

Labour Shortages, Inequality and the High‑Tech Exodus
Labour markets have been disrupted on multiple fronts. The war caused schools and services to close and led to the suspension of Palestinian work permits, halving the share of non‑Israeli labour in total employment and cutting investment by 26 % in late 2023. Agriculture and construction struggled as Palestinian and foreign workers were barred, while the call‑up of reservists removed tens of thousands of Israelis from civilian jobs. The central bank warns that the economy will not recover fully until these supply constraints ease.

Meanwhile, inequality has deepened. Before the war, Israel’s GDP per capita was 14 times higher than that of Gaza and the West Bank. In Gaza, GDP has shrunk by 86 % and multi‑dimensional poverty now afflicts 98 % of residents. Within Israel, labour‑force participation is low among ultra‑Orthodox men and Arab women, hindering growth. The OECD urges the government to end subsidies for yeshiva students, condition childcare support on fathers’ employment and equalise funding for Arab schools.

Israel’s high‑tech industry, which accounts for about a fifth of GDP, more than half of exports and roughly a quarter of tax revenue, is facing its own crisis. In the nine months after the October 2023 attacks, 8 300 high‑tech employees left the country for year‑long relocations. High‑tech employment declined by 5 000 jobs in 2024, the first contraction in at least a decade. The Israel Innovation Authority warns that the exodus reflects uncertainty about the war’s duration, a lack of funding and the call‑up of reservists. It calls for investment in education and skills, tax incentives for returning professionals and policies to stabilise the business environment. Without such measures, a core driver of growth and tax revenue may erode.

Housing Market Slump
The real estate sector, once a key wealth store for Israeli households, has also stalled. In June 2025, housing sales fell to the lowest level in more than two decades; only 5 844 units were sold, a 29 % drop from a year earlier, and sales of new‑build homes collapsed by 46 %. These figures mark the lowest June sales since the early 2000s. The Ministry of Finance attributed the slump to war‑related uncertainty and tighter financing rules. The national housing price index declined by 1.3 % over four months, with Tel Aviv seeing a 4.2 % drop. Some Israelis are turning to real estate abroad, including Georgia, to protect wealth. Analysts warn that the market’s collapse reflects a broader decline in consumer confidence and investment.

International Isolation and Credit Downgrades
Israel’s global standing has deteriorated. The war’s humanitarian toll has hardened attitudes in the European Union, Israel’s largest trading partner. Several EU states have frozen arms exports, and some have moved to ban imports from Israeli settlements. In September 2025 the European Commission proposed suspending trade benefits covering 37 % of Israeli exports, amounting to roughly €42.6 billion in annual trade. The plan, which would end preferential tariffs and impose sanctions on Israeli ministers, marks Brussels’ strongest action yet against Israel. Such measures threaten to curb exports, investment and access to technology.

Credit rating agencies have responded by lowering Israel’s sovereign rating and warning of further downgrades. In February 2024 Moody’s cut the rating two notches from A2 to Baa1 and maintained a negative outlook. In early 2025, Fitch affirmed an “A” rating but retained a negative outlook, citing rising public debt, domestic political strains and the uncertain trajectory of the Gaza war. Fitch noted that renewed hostilities could last months, reducing reserves mobilised but still straining the economy. All three major agencies cut Israel’s score in 2024 due to ballooning defence and civilian costs, signalling that borrowing costs could rise and limiting fiscal flexibility.

The Bank of Israel, which has kept its benchmark interest rate at 4.5 % for 14 consecutive meetings, warns that international isolation will harm trade and foreign investment. Governor Amir Yaron cautions that prolonged conflict could lower growth, widen the budget deficit and keep inflation high. Despite pressure from industry to cut rates, the central bank stresses that supply constraints, war‑driven budgets and a strong shekel justify caution. Inflation peaked at 3.8 % in January 2025 but moderated to 2.5 % in September, within the target range.

Prospects and Necessary Reforms
Looking ahead, forecasts hinge on peace. The OECD projects that if fighting eases, Israel’s economy could grow 3.4 % in 2025 and 5.5 % in 2026. A ceasefire allowing reservists to return to work could lift growth to 3.6 % in 2026, keeping debt below 70 % of GDP. However, the Bank of Israel’s staff anticipates only 2.5 % growth in 2025 and inflation around 3 %, with interest rates declining modestly in 2026. The 2025 budget aims to narrow the deficit to 4.3 %, but economists expect it could still reach 5 %.

To avert lasting damage, structural reforms are essential. The OECD urges the government to relax product‑market regulations, reduce trade barriers and red tape, improve infrastructure and invest in education and labour‑market participation for ultra‑Orthodox and Arab citizens. It calls for ending subsidies that discourage work, tying childcare support to parental employment, and equalising funding for Arab schools. Investment in artificial intelligence and advanced skills is needed to sustain the high‑tech sector, which the innovation authority says must broaden its talent pool. The cost‑of‑living crisis requires the dismantling of monopolies, lowering tariffs on food imports and streamlining planning regulations.

Conclusion
Israel’s economy is in serious trouble. Years of war have drained public finances, weakened growth and raised debt to unprecedented levels. Households face higher taxes, surging utility bills and some of the world’s highest consumer prices. Labour shortages, inequality and the exodus of high‑tech talent threaten long‑term competitiveness, while credit downgrades and EU trade sanctions signal growing international isolation. Without a durable peace and a bold reform agenda—spanning trade liberalisation, regulatory simplification, education and competition policy—the country risks prolonged stagnation and social unrest. The coming months will determine whether Israel can arrest its economic decline or whether the cracks widen into a full‑blown crisis.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

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US China race hits 2027

When NASA’s Artemis II crew splashed down in April 2026 after looping around the Moon, it rekindled interest in human spaceflight. The United States had not sent astronauts near the lunar surface in more than half a century, and its return came amid an unmistakable rivalry with a rising power. Over the last decade China has methodically tested rockets, landers and rovers, assembled its own orbital outpost and dispatched missions across the Solar System. The world’s two largest economies are now openly competing to build a permanent human presence on and around the Moon, to harvest its resources and to set the standards that will govern space for decades to come.Although the race evokes memories of the Cold War, experts stress that today’s contest is more complex. Rather than a sprint to plant a flag, the current competition is a marathon to establish infrastructure and routines for sustained exploration. It also includes commercial players, such as SpaceX and Blue Origin in the United States and a fast‑growing private sector in China. Political leaders in Washington and Beijing frame their objectives in terms of national prestige, economic opportunity and security, while scientists see the potential for breakthroughs in geology, physics and planetary science. In this multifaceted arena, the year 2027 looms as a pivotal test of each nation’s ambitions.Washington’s roadmap: Artemis and a moon baseThe United States is pursuing its lunar return through NASA’s Artemis programme. Artemis II demonstrated that the Space Launch System rocket and Orion spacecraft could carry a crew around the Moon and return safely. The next steps are more demanding. NASA plans a complex Earth‑orbit flight in 2027 in which Orion will practice docking with one or both of the commercial lunar landers now under development. 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Under President Donald Trump, NASA’s focus returned to the Moon, and Congress has largely sustained funding. Lawmakers such as Senator Ted Cruz emphasise that America must simultaneously maintain leadership in low Earth orbit, where the International Space Station nears the end of its life, and embark on a new era of exploration. The challenge is to integrate commercial capabilities—particularly SpaceX’s Starship system, which will serve as a lunar lander—with NASA’s heavy‑lift rockets and Orion capsule. In low Earth orbit, U.S. companies are also competing to build private space stations as the ISS winds down.Behind the headline missions is a robust commercial ecosystem. SpaceX’s Falcon and Starship rockets have dramatically lowered launch costs, enabling a boom in satellite deployment and paving the way for large‑scale lunar logistics. Other firms are developing lunar landers, cargo services and in‑orbit data processing that uses artificial intelligence to analyze imagery directly in space rather than sending raw data back to Earth. Proponents say these technologies will revolutionize Earth observation, communications and defence, creating an “orbital economy” that could be worth trillions. Critics, however, worry about the potential for an uncontrolled proliferation of satellites, increasing the risk of collision and creating space debris—known as the Kessler syndrome—that could render some orbits unusable.Beijing’s blueprint: Chang’e, Tiangong and mega‑constellationsChina’s lunar ambitions were late to emerge but have progressed steadily since the Chang’e programme began in 2007. In the past decade the China National Space Administration has landed robotic spacecraft on the Moon’s near and far sides, returned lunar samples to Earth and placed two rovers on the surface. Its next steps include launching the Chang’e‑7 mission in late 2026 to explore the lunar south pole and Chang’e‑8 in 2029 to test technologies such as in‑situ resource utilization. These missions will lay the groundwork for an International Lunar Research Station that Beijing plans to build with Russia and other partners in the 2030s. Chinese officials say a crewed landing will occur before 2030, using the new Long March‑10 rocket, Mengzhou spacecraft and Lanyue lander. Tests of these systems began in 2025 and are progressing on schedule, according to state media.The difference between the U.S. and Chinese approaches is striking. China’s lunar timeline has remained largely steady, with milestones set years in advance and executed through successive five‑year plans. Analysts note that the one‑party state does not face the congressional budget battles or policy reversals common in Washington, allowing it to align industries, financing and state priorities around long‑term goals. Xi Jinping has framed space exploration as part of national rejuvenation, and the aerospace sector is listed among the strategic industries of the future. At the same time China is rapidly expanding its presence in Earth orbit. It operates the Tiangong space station, assembled in modules launched between 2021 and 2022, and plans to add a co‑orbiting telescope module. Chinese astronauts routinely conduct long‑duration missions and record‑setting spacewalks from Tiangong.Beyond human spaceflight, China is building its own satellite megaconstellations. The Thousand Sails network aims to deploy more than a thousand satellites by 2027 and potentially 14,000 by the 2030s to provide global broadband and compete with SpaceX’s Starlink. The defence‑oriented Guowang constellation could add another 13,000 satellites by 2035. China had over 800 satellites in orbit at the start of 2025—more than any country except the United States, which has nearly 9,000—but its launch rate is accelerating. In 2024 China launched 68 orbital rockets, second only to the U.S., and is testing reusable boosters and powerful new engines. It is also pursuing a Mars sample‑return mission that could bring material back to Earth by 2031, potentially beating NASA’s delayed Mars campaign. Observers say these achievements reflect an ecosystem that now rivals the U.S. in breadth, even if China still lags in private sector innovation and reusable rocket technology.Why 2027 mattersThe year 2027 stands out as a make‑or‑break point in the unfolding space competition. For NASA, the planned in‑orbit docking demonstration will show whether its architecture—combining the Orion crew capsule with privately built lunar landers—can actually work. This test has already been inserted into the Artemis sequence as a separate mission, and without it the agency cannot risk sending astronauts to the lunar surface. Success would keep the 2028 landing on track and bolster confidence in the United States’ ability to lead; failure could postpone human landings by years and give China a psychological and strategic advantage. Some observers argue that delays would also erode congressional support and funding, since political attention could shift to Mars or Earth‑orbit projects.For China, the mid‑2020s are equally crucial. By the end of 2026 the Chang’e‑7 probe is expected to deliver data from the Moon’s south pole, and the Thousand Sails constellation could surpass the 1,000‑satellite mark a year later. Meanwhile, low‑altitude tests of the Long March‑10 and Mengzhou systems in 2025 and 2026 will set the stage for full‑scale flight tests. If all proceeds as planned, China will enter 2027 with an integrated system for human lunar flight, a mature space station and an expanding commercial sector. The momentum could position Beijing to attempt its first crewed lunar landing by the end of the decade, perhaps just a year or two after Artemis III.The symbolic stakes of who returns to the Moon first resonate beyond space professionals. Many commentators see access to lunar resources such as water ice and helium‑3 as future economic boons, enabling fuel production, life support and even fusion energy. Others worry that these expectations could inflame geopolitical tensions and lead to the partition of the lunar surface. Online discussions are filled with references to science‑fiction series like For All Mankind and Star Wars, a sign of how popular culture shapes perceptions of space. Some people lament the absence of Europe in the high‑profile contest, expressing frustration that the European Space Agency is not competing at the same level. Others note that the proliferation of mega‑constellations could spoil the night sky for astronomy and raise the risk of collisions. A common thread is the belief that space is becoming another arena for geopolitical rivalry and that humanity must balance exploration with responsibility.What’s at stakeAt the heart of the new space race is a struggle over norms and infrastructure. The country that first establishes a sustained presence on the Moon will likely influence how lunar resources are allocated, how safety zones are defined and how future claims are adjudicated. China’s plan for an International Lunar Research Station is open to partners but would be led by Beijing and Moscow, while the U.S. promotes the Artemis Accords, a set of principles signed by more than thirty nations that emphasise transparency, peaceful use and the protection of heritage sites. The two frameworks represent competing visions of governance. Some analysts worry that parallel bases could harden rival blocs and complicate cooperation on scientific projects.Economic motives also loom large. The Moon’s south pole contains ice deposits that can be split into oxygen and hydrogen for rocket fuel; its regolith may hold helium‑3, a potential fuel for fusion reactors; and rare earth elements could be mined for electronics. Companies envisage extracting these materials and using them to support lunar factories, orbital refineries and interplanetary missions. Observers point out that many of these prospects are speculative and that the technological and legal challenges are formidable. Nevertheless, the prospect of a trillion‑dollar space economy drives investment from governments and venture capital. Commentators on social media often joke about “all those beautiful minerals” and wonder whether space will become a battlefield for humans. Others warn that competition could trigger an arms race, with anti‑satellite weapons and military platforms turning Earth orbit into a contested zone.Environmental concerns add another layer of complexity. Mega‑constellations of thousands of satellites enable global internet and Earth‑observing services, but they also contribute to light pollution and radio interference that hamper astronomical research. Critics argue that launching tens of thousands of spacecraft to benefit a small fraction of the population is not worth degrading the natural beauty of the night sky. Campaigners call for international regulation to ensure that orbits remain sustainable and that debris is removed. The U.S. Federal Communications Commission and international bodies are beginning to address these issues, but enforcement remains weak.Beyond the U.S. and ChinaWhile the rivalry between Washington and Beijing dominates headlines, other actors are shaping the space landscape. India, which landed a spacecraft near the lunar south pole in 2023, plans its own crewed missions and has an eye on lunar resources. Russia remains formally involved with China’s lunar base plan despite its own economic struggles. Private corporations across the globe are developing lunar landers, communications relays and space‑based manufacturing. Even as the European Space Agency grapples with funding and policy issues, European companies supply critical hardware, such as the service module for Orion and lunar lander technology. Japan, Canada and the United Arab Emirates are all planning missions that will contribute to lunar exploration or the construction of the Lunar Gateway, a planned station in lunar orbit.Taken together, these efforts suggest that the future of space will be multipolar. The outcome of the 2027 milestones will not end the race but will set the trajectory for the coming decade. Whether the United States and China choose to cooperate or compete will influence how quickly humanity establishes a foothold beyond Earth and whether the benefits of space are shared or monopolized.An uncertain finish lineThe United States and China are already locked in a fierce competition for space. Both nations have articulated ambitious lunar roadmaps, invested billions in rockets, spacecraft and infrastructure, and rallied their citizens with promises of national renewal and scientific glory. Yet the space environment today is far more complex than during the Apollo era. Private companies wield unprecedented influence, environmental and legal questions remain unresolved, and the stakes extend from lunar ice to orbital broadband and planetary defence. The year 2027 will be a crucial inflection point: a successful docking test for Artemis and the continued pace of China’s Chang’e and megaconstellation programmes will signal whether each nation can execute its plans on schedule. Failure or delay on either side could alter perceptions of leadership and open space for newcomers.As the countdown to these milestones advances, policymakers, engineers and citizens alike grapple with what the space race means. Will it inspire cooperation and new frontiers of knowledge, or will it deepen divisions and militarize the heavens? Will the Moon become a laboratory for sustainable living or a quarry for minerals? And can humanity develop rules and norms to manage an increasingly crowded sky? The answers will emerge over the next several years. For now, the only certainty is that the competition is real, the challenges are immense and the outcome will shape the cosmic future of us all.