Coin Press - AI and the Future of Wealth

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AI and the Future of Wealth




Artificial intelligence is no longer a futuristic curiosity. In little more than three years, it has attracted more than a billion users worldwide and become integral to everything from banking to education. Large language models write software, compose correspondence and even diagnose diseases. Governments and investors have poured hundreds of billions of dollars into AI infrastructure. This rapid growth is raising a familiar question with a modern twist: will the technology hollow out the middle class and concentrate wealth in even fewer hands?

Emerging divides in a global AI boom
The distribution of AI adoption is already uneven. Recent United Nations research estimates that two‑thirds of people in high‑income economies use AI tools, while in many low‑income countries usage remains below five per cent. Analysts warn that this “next great divergence” could widen gaps not only among workers but between nations. Access to fast internet, computing power and education allows wealthier economies to reap the gains of automation while others fall behind. The same report notes that AI could lift annual gross domestic product growth by around two percentage points and raise productivity by up to five per cent, but three‑quarters of firms surveyed expect job losses even as new roles emerge. Female employment is almost twice as exposed to AI as male employment and informality remains high in many developing nations. Without inclusive policies, the technology could deepen structural imbalances.

Middle‑skill work in the crosshairs
In advanced economies the middle‑skill, middle‑income jobs that formed the backbone of post‑war prosperity already face pressure from automation and trade. Primary‑school teachers, managers and secretaries still dominate the income distribution, but routine tasks in these occupations are increasingly handled by software. A 2020 study cited by policy analysts found that teachers spend more than ten hours a week on preparation and administration, and roughly half of that time could be reassigned to AI tools. Autonomous vehicles pose a more direct threat: the trucking industry supports millions of drivers, yet economists at a major investment bank have predicted that self‑driving trucks could eliminate about 300,000 jobs annually once the technology matures. Similarly, managers and administrative assistants are discovering that screening résumés and scheduling meetings are tasks that algorithms can perform instantaneously.

At the same time, there is evidence that AI can augment rather than replace human labour. Teachers freed from paperwork can spend more time engaging with students. Secretaries still provide the interpersonal glue in offices that machines cannot replicate. Managers will need to supervise AI systems and make judgement calls. The notion that an entire stratum of society will be rendered obsolete is therefore simplistic. Many of the most common middle‑class occupations are likely to be reshaped rather than eliminated.

Predictions, panic and perspective
Commentary about AI’s labour market impact swings between exuberance and dystopia. In 2025 the head of a cutting‑edge research company suggested that generative AI could wipe out half of all entry‑level white‑collar jobs within five years. Leading technologists, including pioneers who helped invent deep learning, warn that artificial intelligence will increase unemployment while boosting profits and that regulators are ill‑prepared to manage the consequences. Corporate leaders are making similar points. In 2026 the chief executive of the world’s largest asset manager used his annual letter to caution that the AI boom risks accelerating a pattern in which the owners of capital capture most of the gains. He noted that transformative technologies historically create enormous value but often concentrate it among those who already hold financial assets, and he worried that the pattern will repeat on a larger scale.

These dire warnings coexist with more measured analysis. Research by a leading investment bank estimates that if current AI use cases were applied across the economy and reduced employment in proportion to efficiency gains, about two and a half per cent of United States jobs would be at risk. Even under a broader adoption scenario the bank’s economists put displacement at six to seven per cent. They anticipate a modest, temporary rise in unemployment—perhaps half a percentage point—as displaced workers search for new roles. Historical evidence supports this view: about sixty per cent of U.S. workers are currently employed in occupations that did not exist in 1940, implying that most employment growth over the past eight decades came from technology‑driven job creation. Unemployment linked to productivity‑enhancing technologies typically dissipates after two years. The same report identifies occupations most vulnerable to automation—such as programmers, accountants and customer service representatives—and those least exposed, including air‑traffic controllers, executives and radiologists.

Independent analyses paint a similarly nuanced picture. Data from job‑cut trackers show that AI was explicitly blamed for around fifty thousand layoffs in 2025. Several technology firms have announced further reductions in 2026, citing generative AI as a reason to trim corporate staff. Yet the overall labour market remains resilient. The U.S. economy added 178,000 jobs in March 2026 and the unemployment rate fell to 4.3 per cent. Some of the job losses in tech reflect correction after pandemic over‑hiring rather than automation. Analysts expect AI adoption to be gradual; only about nine per cent of companies report using generative AI in production. Forrester, a consultancy, projects that roughly six per cent of jobs—about ten million roles—could be affected by 2030. None of these figures resemble the apocalyptic forecasts circulating online.

Unequal gains from new skills
What seems more certain is that AI is accelerating job polarisation. An International Monetary Fund study released in early 2026 tracks the diffusion of new skills across advanced and emerging economies. It finds that roughly one in ten job postings in advanced economies now demands at least one new skill, often related to information technology or artificial intelligence. These new skills command wage premiums of three to four per cent and are linked to employment gains in high‑ and low‑skill services. Middle‑skilled workers, however, see little benefit, reinforcing the hollowing of the wage distribution. When focusing specifically on AI‑related skills, the study reports no overall employment gains and even lower employment in regions where demand for AI skills is high. Five years after AI skills appear in a local labour market, employment in occupations that are highly exposed but offer few opportunities for complementarity is 3.6 per cent lower. Young workers and those in white‑collar support roles are particularly at risk.

The authors emphasise that new skills spread first in professional, technical and managerial occupations, often in the United States, and then diffuse to other economies. While the demand for these skills increases wages, the supply is concentrated among workers with tertiary education, especially in science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Countries with high demand but limited supply must therefore invest in education, retraining and labour mobility; those with strong supply need policies that encourage firms to absorb new skills through innovation and access to credit. Absent these measures, the diffusion of AI could widen gaps between the highly educated and the rest, leaving many middle‑class workers stranded.

A contested path for the middle class
The debate over AI’s impact is less about inevitability than about choices. Evidence suggests that artificial intelligence will reshape tasks rather than annihilate entire professions. In sectors such as education, healthcare and law, AI can relieve professionals of drudgery, allowing them to focus on human engagement and complex judgment. In engineering and finance it can augment productivity, potentially creating new services and markets. At the macro level AI promises to boost growth and productivity, but how those gains are distributed depends on ownership structures, labour institutions and public policy. If the gains accrue to shareholders and highly skilled workers alone, the middle class may continue to shrink. If investment in skills, social safety nets and worker representation keeps pace, AI could broaden opportunity rather than choke it.

Policymakers have tools at their disposal. Investments in digital infrastructure and education can narrow the readiness gap between and within countries. Active labour‑market programmes and portable benefits can help displaced workers transition to new careers. Competition policy can prevent excessive concentration of data and compute power. Wage insurance and progressive taxation can cushion temporary dislocations. Above all, transparency and worker participation in AI deployment can ensure that automation complements rather than undercuts human capabilities. The stakes are high. A world in which algorithms amplify inequality is not inevitable, but neither is one where they rebuild the middle class. The path society chooses over the next decade will determine whether artificial intelligence becomes a force for shared prosperity or a driver of division.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Beijing's new Taiwan playbook

Beijing's military machinery and political ambitions have moved it closer to a point where it could attempt to seize Taiwan by force.  Decades of double‑digit defence spending have yielded advanced amphibious assault vessels, fleets of hypersonic and ballistic missiles and an air force that can saturate airspace around the island.  Naval analysts note that the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s new Type 054B guided‑missile frigates incorporate artificial‑intelligence‑enabled sensors to improve anti‑submarine warfare and fleet air defence and can undertake long‑range escort missions.  Dozens of civilian‑flagged research vessels, operating under the cover of scientific exploration, have spent years mapping the seabed across the western Pacific and as far afield as Guam and Hawaii to improve Chinese submarine navigation and to erode the United States’ traditional advantage in undersea warfare.  Expanded missile launch infrastructure in Xinjiang, featuring scores of launch pads, is intended to increase the survivability of China’s land‑based nuclear forces.Yet despite these capabilities, Beijing has shown little appetite for a near‑term invasion.  A recent threat assessment by the United States’ intelligence community concluded that Chinese leaders do not currently plan to execute an invasion by 2027 and lack a fixed timetable for unification.  Taiwan’s defence ministry concurs that China’s build‑up is relentless but emphasises that deterrence, rather than assumptions about invasion windows, will shape Beijing’s calculations.  Analysts argue that a war would trigger unprecedented economic costs.  Taiwan’s semiconductor industry underpins global technology supply chains and about a fifth of world trade transits the Taiwan Strait.  Any conflict that closed this artery would reverberate through financial markets, manufacturing and energy supplies.  Even without U.S. intervention, Chinese leadership would risk social stability at home if a miscalculated assault stalled or provoked severe sanctions.Against this backdrop, Beijing has refined what some analysts describe as a grey‑zone strategy — a web of coercive measures designed to wear down Taiwan’s morale and manoeuvre it towards “reunification” without firing a shot.  People’s Liberation Army aircraft entered Taiwan’s air defence identification zone more than three hundred times a month after William Lai’s 2024 election, only for the number of incursions to fall sharply in 2026 as planners redistributed sorties to training and maintenance.  China’s coast guard now conducts routine multi‑ship patrols in the restricted waters around Kinmen and Pratas, two Taiwanese‑administered archipelagos close to the mainland, to normalise jurisdictional claims and erode Taiwan’s threat awareness.  As part of the large‑scale “Strait Thunder 2025A” and “Justice Mission 2025” exercises, the People’s Liberation Army practised cutting power and blockading Taiwan’s liquefied natural gas terminals — a rehearsal for imposing energy strangulation during a future crisis.Energy insecurity is a key prong of Beijing’s hybrid approach.  Taiwan imports around 97 percent of its energy, with liquefied natural gas accounting for roughly half of electricity generation.  When war in Iran temporarily choked off shipments through the Strait of Hormuz earlier this year, Chinese‑language social media channels flooded TikTok and Xiaohongshu with ominous videos claiming Taiwan’s gas reserves would expire within a fortnight and extolling “peaceful unification” as the only remedy.  Officials from the Taiwan Affairs Office even offered to supply electricity and gas from the mainland as soon as Taiwan surrendered its sovereignty.  Taiwan’s government countered by publicising the diversification of its imports, increasing strategic reserves and conducting joint navy‑coast‑guard drills to escort fuel tankers through potential blockades.  Such moves aim to reassure citizens and blunt the psychological impact of Beijing’s energy narratives.Political infiltration forms another component of the grey‑zone campaign.  Beijing has long supported parties in Taiwan that advocate a looser relationship with the mainland, but recent cases show a willingness to back actors whose public stance on unification is ambiguous.  Taiwanese courts convicted a former spokesperson for the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) after she accepted funds from Chinese handlers and provided contact lists of government agencies.  Investigators say the case is not isolated: election interference and covert recruitment have targeted both the centrist TPP and elements of the governing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).  At the international level, Chinese diplomats persuade or pressure host governments to label Taiwan as a province of China; Taiwan stayed away from this year’s World Trade Organization ministerial in Yaoundé after delegates were issued documents bearing that designation.This cognitive warfare extends to culture and education.  President William Lai has warned that video‑sharing platforms may be used to cultivate the notion that Taiwanese and mainland Chinese people are “one family” and to foster resignation towards annexation.  His administration has banned certain Chinese apps from public‑sector devices and proposed curriculum changes to strengthen civic identity and debunk disinformation.  Opinion polls still show a solid majority of Taiwanese identifying as Taiwanese rather than Chinese, suggesting that Beijing’s narrative campaigns have yet to shift the island’s self‑perception.While China deploys these non‑military tools, Taiwan is struggling to adapt its defence posture.  The DPP has proposed a special budget worth around US$40 billion to procure hundreds of thousands of unmanned systems, develop an integrated air and missile defence network and fund the domestic arms industry.  Opposition parties controlling the legislature have delayed the budget, preferring a smaller package focused on conventional platforms such as artillery and anti‑tank missiles.  Delays threaten to slow deliveries of High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems, self‑propelled howitzers and anti‑tank weapons from the United States.  At the same time, Taipei is investing in its first domestically built submarine and plans to upgrade two Dutch‑built boats from the 1980s.  Such measures are meant to raise the cost of aggression and complicate any blockade.Elsewhere in the region, countries are recalibrating their own strategies in anticipation of cross‑strait tensions.  Japan has acquired Tomahawk cruise missiles from the United States and is modifying its destroyers to carry them, signalling a shift towards a counter‑strike doctrine that can threaten missile launch platforms on the Chinese coast.  The Philippines and Japan have agreed to step up military intelligence sharing and have begun negotiating a boundary in their overlapping exclusive economic zones east of Taiwan.  Manila is seeking Japanese anti‑submarine destroyers and anti‑ship missiles to bolster its navy.  Such cooperation, alongside the United States’ continued security commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act, suggests that any attempt by Beijing to seal off the island would face a more coordinated regional response.Seen together, these developments reveal why Beijing may perceive hybrid coercion as “something better” than a risky assault.  China’s ability to project force across the Taiwan Strait has improved markedly, but its leaders recognise that a failed invasion would jeopardise economic growth and political legitimacy.  By combining military modernisation with psychological operations, energy leverage, political interference and calibrated maritime pressure, Beijing hopes to corrode Taiwan’s will and convince its citizens that unification is inevitable.  Whether this strategy succeeds will depend on Taiwan’s resilience, the cohesion of its democratic institutions and the willingness of regional partners to deter aggression.  For now, the contest remains a test not of who can fire the first shot, but of whose vision for the island’s future will ultimately prevail.