Coin Press - Venezuela’s economic roadmap

NYSE - LSE

JRI	-1.83%	12.59	$
BCE	-0.43%	25.57	$
BTI	0.07%	59.93	$
AZN	-1.37%	189.9	$
GSK	-1.67%	53.39	$
CMSC	-0.65%	22.99	$
RBGPF	0.12%	82.5	$
BCC	0.54%	70	$
BP	1.2%	42.67	$
NGG	0.1%	90.9	$
CMSD	-0.48%	22.99	$
RIO	-3.27%	87.83	$
RELX	-0.12%	34.14	$
VOD	0.69%	14.41	$
RYCEF	-7.01%	16.12	$

Venezuela’s economic roadmap

Following the dramatic removal of Nicolás Maduro from power in early January 2026, U.S. President Donald Trump set out a bold vision for Venezuela’s economic transformation. At a press conference after the operation that brought Maduro to U.S. custody, the White House announced that Washington would oversee Venezuela’s recovery, manage its oil sector and steer it toward democracy. The administration’s three‑phase strategy – stabilisation, recovery and transition – is described as an “economic revolution” that will lift the country out of a humanitarian and financial abyss. Critics, however, warn that the plan effectively turns the South American nation into a protectorate and underestimates the scale of the challenge.

Phase 1 – Stabilisation and control
The first phase began immediately after Venezuelan forces loyal to Maduro were neutralised and U.S. special forces escorted the former president to a waiting aircraft. Stabilising the country and preventing chaos has been the stated priority. To achieve this, the United States has assumed temporary control of Venezuela’s oil exports, pledging that revenue from sales will be channelled into essential services rather than siphoned off by corrupt networks. A significant naval and air presence remains near Venezuela’s coast to deter smuggling and protect critical infrastructure.

U.S. officials argue that proceeds from oil sales will fund the ongoing presence in Venezuela, meaning the operation will not “cost” the United States. Energy analysts caution that this is unrealistic. Production collapsed from about 3.2 million barrels per day in 2000 to roughly one million barrels per day by 2024, and the national oil company PDVSA lacks investment and expertise. Venezuela’s reserves consist mainly of heavy, sour crude, which is expensive to extract and sells at a discount. Restoring output to previous levels will require billions of dollars and years of work, and refineries already operating at high capacity would struggle to process the crude. Without major reforms and greater political stability, oil revenues alone cannot finance the stabilisation effort.

Phase 2 – Economic recovery and reconciliation
Once order is secured, the administration plans to revive Venezuela’s shattered economy. U.S. Treasury officials have begun easing some sanctions to allow limited oil sales and encourage foreign investment. At a televised meeting in Washington on 9 January 2026, Trump sat down with chief executives from Chevron, Exxon Mobil, ConocoPhillips and European oil majors. He urged them to commit at least $100 billion to modernise Venezuela’s oil infrastructure and pledged to open new fields.

Industry leaders responded cautiously. Exxon Mobil’s chief executive warned that the country was “un‑investible” under current legal and commercial conditions. Others pointed out that security, property rights and repayment of old debts must be guaranteed before they could justify multibillion‑dollar investments. Analysts noted that lifting sanctions, reforming the tax and royalty structure and breaking PDVSA’s monopoly will be essential to attract capital. Without these changes, even optimistic scenarios suggest production could rise by only a few hundred thousand barrels per day.

Phase 2 also includes a national reconciliation programme. Secretary of State Marco Rubio outlined plans to release political prisoners, grant amnesty to opponents, invite exiled leaders to return and rebuild civil society. He said U.S. oversight of oil revenues would ensure that funds benefit Venezuelan citizens rather than entrenched elites. The success of this phase depends on whether interim authorities—currently headed by Delcy Rodríguez, a Maduro loyalist—can deliver services and curb corruption while working under Washington’s guidance.

Phase 3 – Political transition
The final stage envisions a transition to a new political order. Rubio has described this phase as the moment when Venezuelans will choose their own future, suggesting elections and constitutional reforms. Yet the timeline and mechanisms remain vague. Critics inside and outside Congress note that the plan risks entrenching U.S. influence and undermining sovereignty. Some lawmakers said they left classified briefings with more questions than answers, including concerns about the role of opposition leader María Corina Machado and the interim government’s legitimacy.

Challenges and prospects
Experts warn that the three‑phase strategy overlooks the scale of Venezuela’s institutional decay. Rebuilding the oil sector will require not only capital but also profound legal reform and technological upgrades. Foreign companies burned by past nationalisations remain wary of returning. Moreover, the plan’s heavy reliance on oil risks repeating the very dependency that fuelled past crises. Political stability is far from guaranteed; factions within the ruling party and opposition are vying for power, and U.S. control may trigger nationalist backlash.

Nevertheless, many Venezuelans welcome Maduro’s removal and hope that renewed international engagement can halt the humanitarian collapse. The three phases offer a roadmap for recovery if accompanied by transparent governance, institutional reform and broad participation from Venezuelan society. Whether Trump’s economic revolution succeeds will depend not on rhetoric but on delivering tangible improvements—from reliable electricity and healthcare to restored oil output and fair elections.

Pope Francis: A Transformative Legacy

Portugal: Living Costs Soar

Is Australia’s Economy Doomed?

DOGE Fails to Slash U.S. Spending

Slovenia’s Economic Triumph

Next Generation EU a scam?

Can Poland Rescue Europe?

Finance’s Role in Economic Ruin

Trump’s Tariffs Spark Global Fear

Georgia Slips into Russia’s Grasp

Trump’s Ukraine Economic Colony Plan Stirs Debate

China Targets Dollar at US Critical Moment

Featured

Long live Ukraine - Хай живе Україна - Да здравствует Украина

Es lebe die Ukraine - Да здравствует Украина - Long live Ukraine - Хай живе Україна - Nech žije Ukrajina - Länge leve Ukraina - תחי אוקראינה - Lang leve Oekraïne - Да живее Украйна - Elagu Ukraina - Kauan eläköön Ukraina - Vive l'Ukraine - Ζήτω η Ουκρανία - 乌克兰万岁 - Viva Ucrania - Ať žije Ukrajina - Çok yaşa Ukrayna - Viva a Ucrânia - Trăiască Ucraina - ウクライナ万歳 - Tegyvuoja Ukraina - Lai dzīvo Ukraina - Viva l'Ucraina - Hidup Ukraina - تحيا أوكرانيا - Vivat Ucraina - ขอให้ยูเครนจงเจริญ - Ucraina muôn năm - ژوندی دی وی اوکراین - Yashasin Ukraina - Озак яшә Украина - Živjela Ukrajina - 우크라이나 만세 - Mabuhay ang Ukraine - Lenge leve Ukraina - Nyob ntev Ukraine - Да живее Украина - გაუმარჯოს უკრაინას - Hidup Ukraine - Vivu Ukrainio - Længe leve Ukraine - Živjela Ukrajina - Жыве Украіна - Yaşasın Ukrayna - Lengi lifi Úkraína - Lank lewe die Oekraïne

Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Iran and the holy War risk

For now, Iran does not appear to be launching a formal holy war. But the question is no longer rhetorical. After the bombings that turned a long shadow conflict into an open regional war, religious language has moved from symbolic background noise toward the center of state messaging. The more important issue is not whether Tehran will suddenly summon the Muslim world into a single, borderless struggle. It is whether the Islamic Republic will fuse military retaliation, political succession, proxy activation and sacred rhetoric into a broader campaign that functions like a holy war without ever formally declaring one.The current crisis is already historic. Since the joint U.S.-Israeli attack of February 28, which killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and struck Iranian state and military targets, the conflict has spread across Israel, Lebanon, the Gulf and the energy corridors that underpin the global economy. Public death tolls inside Iran alone have climbed into the four figures. Even though international nuclear inspectors said early in the campaign that they had no indication several key nuclear installations had been hit or that radiation had spread beyond normal levels, later stages of the war clearly broadened toward oil storage, airports, command sites and urban infrastructure. This is no longer a contained deterrence exchange. It is a live contest over regime survival, regional order and strategic endurance.That is precisely why the phrase “holy war” must be handled with care. In January, influential voices inside Iran had already warned that any attack on the Supreme Leader would amount to a declaration of war against the wider Islamic world and could require a jihad decree. That language mattered then, and it matters even more now because the red line was crossed. Tehran can plausibly argue to its own hard-line base that the highest religious and political authority in the Islamic Republic was not merely challenged but assassinated. In ideological terms, that transforms retaliation from a policy choice into a sacred obligation. In political terms, it gives hard-liners a ready-made framework for widening the war.Yet rhetoric is not the same as doctrine, and doctrine is not the same as operational behavior. Iran’s response so far looks less like an uncontrolled call to universal religious uprising than a grim, state-directed campaign of calibrated punishment. Tehran has struck back with missiles, drones, maritime pressure and pressure on regional hosts of U.S. military power. It has also tried to impose costs on the world economy by turning the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz into instruments of leverage. This is not the behavior of a leadership abandoning strategy for blind zeal. It is the behavior of a regime trying to survive by making the war too costly, too wide and too economically dangerous for its enemies to sustain indefinitely.That distinction matters. A genuine, formal holy war would imply a sweeping call for open-ended religious mobilization across borders, one that subordinates ordinary state interests to an all-consuming theological struggle. Iran has not done that in any clear, universal sense. It has instead behaved as a revolutionary state that uses sacred language to reinforce legitimacy, discipline supporters and justify retaliation. That model predates the current crisis. The Islamic Republic has always blended theology, nationalism, martyrdom culture, anti-Western resistance and hard security logic. The bombings have intensified that blend, but they have not erased the regime’s instinct for calculation.The strongest evidence against an immediate full holy-war scenario is inside Iran itself. The system’s first imperative has not been global mobilization; it has been continuity. Even after decapitation strikes, the state moved to preserve command structures, delegate powers downward and push the Assembly of Experts toward selecting a successor. By March 8, that succession process had reportedly advanced to the point where a decision had been reached, even if the name had not yet been publicly revealed. That is a survival reflex. Regimes preparing for limitless religious war do not usually prioritize constitutional succession, elite cohesion and internal control. Regimes fighting for their lives do.Iran’s regional behavior also shows tension between ideological fury and strategic restraint. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s apology to Gulf neighbors was extraordinary, not because it ended the war, but because it exposed the conflict inside Tehran’s own response. On one side sits the logic of escalation: punish every state that hosts U.S. forces, widen the crisis, raise oil prices, frighten shipping markets and prove that the bombardment of Iran cannot remain geographically contained. On the other side sits the logic of isolation avoidance: do not drive every Arab state irreversibly into the opposing camp, do not convert every neighbor into an active launchpad for anti-Iran operations, and do not make regime survival impossible by fighting the entire region at once.This internal contradiction is one reason the phrase “holy war” can mislead. What is unfolding is more dangerous in practical terms and more limited in formal terms. Iran may never issue a clean, universal call for a civilizational war against all enemies of Islam, yet it can still encourage clerical sanction, mobilize militias, inspire cross-border attacks, bless cyber retaliation, empower covert cells and unleash proxy violence under a sacred frame. That would be a hybrid escalation: not a single global summons, but a diffuse religious legitimization of a long, dirty regional war. For civilians, ports, airports, desalination plants, shipping lanes and energy markets, the difference may feel almost academic.The role of Iran’s allied armed networks reinforces that point. Hezbollah has entered the conflict, but not from a position of unchallenged strength. Its intervention has deepened political strain in Lebanon and highlighted how even Iran’s most loyal partners are balancing solidarity against self-preservation. Other aligned groups face similar pressures. The so-called axis can still hurt Israel, U.S. assets and regional infrastructure, but it is not a frictionless machine awaiting one theological command to move in perfect unity. The more Tehran leans on proxies, the more it reveals that its preferred method remains layered coercion, not a single dramatic declaration of holy war.There is also a sectarian and geopolitical reality that limits the holy-war model. The Muslim world is not a single mobilizable bloc waiting for instructions from Tehran. Iran is a Shiite theocratic state with revolutionary ambitions, but its appeal across Sunni-majority states is uneven at best and sharply contested at worst. Gulf monarchies, already targeted by Iranian missiles and drones, are not natural participants in an Iranian-led sacred struggle. Many of them fear Tehran at least as much as they oppose the bombing campaign against it. That means Iran’s religious messaging may galvanize sympathizers, militants and ideological fellow travelers, but it is unlikely to unify the wider Islamic world behind one war banner.Still, dismissing the danger would be a grave mistake. The holy-war language matters because words can widen the menu of violence. Once a conflict is framed as sacred defense rather than national retaliation alone, thresholds can drop. Assassinations, sabotage, maritime attacks, strikes on civilian-linked infrastructure and violence by semi-deniable actors all become easier to justify. A state under bombardment, mourning its supreme leader and fighting for institutional survival may decide that conventional retaliation is not enough. If Tehran concludes that it cannot win symmetrically, it may authorize a looser, more ideological pattern of warfare stretching from the Gulf to the Mediterranean and beyond.The economic front is equally important. Iran understands that energy fear can be weaponized. Even limited disruption in the Strait of Hormuz sends shockwaves through insurance, shipping, aviation and inflation expectations worldwide. That leverage is politically valuable because it turns a military confrontation into a global pressure campaign. A formal holy war would demand maximal ideological mobilization. A survival war, by contrast, rewards selective disruption, ambiguity and controlled chaos. Tehran’s actions so far fit the second model more closely than the first.This is why the most serious answer to the headline question is not a simple yes or no. Iran is unlikely to launch a classic holy war in the simplistic sense of a formal, total religious call to arms that instantly unites the Muslim world under its banner. But it is already moving toward something more contemporary and, in some ways, more destabilizing: a war of survival wrapped in sacred legitimacy, regional coercion and asymmetric retaliation. The bombings have not merely invited revenge. They have strengthened the argument of those in Tehran who believe compromise invites death and that only resistance sanctified by faith can preserve the system.So the real risk is not that Iran suddenly abandons strategy for theology. The real risk is that strategy and theology fuse more tightly than before. If that fusion hardens, the war will not remain a sequence of missile exchanges and air raids. It will become a broader contest over succession, legitimacy, energy, maritime freedom, proxy warfare and the right to define resistance as a religious duty. In that environment, the phrase “holy war” may remain officially ambiguous, but its practical effects could become visible across the entire region.