Coin Press - Iran unrest and US threats

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Iran unrest and US threats




Throughout the winter of 2025–26, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been shaken by its most extensive wave of civil unrest in decades. What began as a series of shopkeeper strikes in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar on 28 December 2025 quickly swelled into nationwide demonstrations. Anger over spiralling inflation, the collapse of the Iranian rial and subsidy reforms spilled into calls for political change. The movement spread rapidly through all 31 provinces, drawing in university students, bazaar traders and unemployed youth alike. Crowds took to the streets in at least 185 cities, chanting against the clerical establishment and sometimes waving the pre‑revolutionary lion‑and‑sun flag. Within days the crisis came to be seen as the greatest challenge to Iran’s theocratic leadership since the Woman, Life, Freedom uprising of 2022.

Economic grievances spark nationwide uprising
The immediate trigger for this unrest was an economic collapse that accelerated after a 12‑day war with Israel in June 2025. Iranian air defences, nuclear facilities and ballistic‑missile infrastructure were severely damaged during that conflict, and more than thirty senior officers of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps were killed. The United States joined Israel in the strikes, and renewed sanctions from Washington and Europe further squeezed Tehran’s finances. By the end of 2025 the rial had lost over forty per cent of its value, inflation exceeded forty per cent and food prices outpaced wages. Fuel subsidies were slashed, and new pricing structures were announced for government‑subsidised gasoline. Merchants accustomed to supporting the regime suddenly faced empty shelves and desperate customers. When bazaaris closed their shops in protest, ordinary Iranians saw an opportunity to vent long‑simmering frustrations.

The unrest grew as labourers, teachers and university students joined demonstrations. Strikes shut down markets in dozens of cities and disrupted industrial facilities. Protesters lamented not only the cost‑of‑living crisis but also decades of repression and international isolation. Many participants were too young to remember the 2009 Green Movement yet were emboldened by the memory of the 2022 protests sparked by the death of Jina Mahsa Amini. The scale of this mobilisation quickly eclipsed previous rounds of unrest. Human‑rights monitors reported demonstrations in every province, with chants of “death to the dictator” echoing from Tehran to Tabriz. Video clips circulating before the government’s internet shutdown showed huge night‑time marches, women removing headscarves and groups toppling portraits of the Supreme Leader.

Government crackdown and communications blackout
Iranian authorities responded with a mixture of concessions and severe repression. In early January the government promised small monthly stipends of about US$7 to help cover basic foodstuffs. At the same time the annual budget proposal increased spending on security by nearly 150 per cent while raising wages by less than half the inflation rate. Security forces were mobilised across the country: units of the Revolutionary Guard, the regular military and the Basij militia were deployed to disperse crowds with tear gas, birdshot and live ammunition. Physicians described mass‑casualty conditions in hospitals, with gunshot wounds and shrapnel injuries overwhelming medical staff. Morgues in Tehran’s outskirts filled with hundreds of bodies; videos circulated showing forensic personnel cataloguing victims while bereaved families tried to identify relatives.

Determining an accurate death toll has been difficult. Britain’s foreign secretary told Parliament on 13 January that her government believed at least 2,000 people had been killed and feared the number could be higher. Human‑rights activists on the ground suggested that more than 2,400 deaths had been confirmed, and some Iranian sources claimed the figure might exceed 12,000. Government‑aligned outlets acknowledged injuries among police and Basij forces, but independent reports indicate casualty ratios heavily favouring the state’s violence. Thousands of demonstrators have been detained; Iran’s attorney general warned that participants would be treated as “enemies of God,” a charge carrying the death penalty.

On 8 January authorities instituted a near‑total internet and telephone blackout. Domestic mobile service was cut and international communications disrupted, with connectivity reportedly falling to about one per cent of ordinary levels. Even Starlink terminals smuggled into Iran by non‑governmental organisations were jammed. The blackout served two purposes: it hindered protesters’ ability to organise and prevented foreign observers from documenting the crackdown. Isolated pockets of connectivity persisted through illicit satellite links, but possession of such equipment was risky and punishable.

International dynamics and the U.S. response
This domestic turmoil unfolded amid heightened regional tensions and drew immediate attention from abroad. The United States, which had participated in the June airstrikes on Iranian nuclear sites, signalled that it was closely watching the situation. President Donald Trump publicly warned that the United States would not stand idle if Iranian security forces carried out mass killings. In several statements and interviews he said that Washington was “locked and loaded,” promising to take “very strong action” and to hit Iran “very hard” if the authorities began executing protesters. He emphasised that such action would not involve a ground invasion but could include targeted strikes, cyber operations or other measures designed to pressure the regime. At one point the president wrote that Iran was on the cusp of freedom and assured Iranians that help was on the way. He later said he would speak to technology entrepreneurs about restoring internet access.

These pronouncements emboldened many demonstrators who saw U.S. support as a deterrent against an even bloodier crackdown. Analysts noted that some people may not have joined the protests without the belief that Washington would intervene. Critics warned that limiting American involvement to rhetoric could be perceived as betrayal. Behind the scenes Iranian officials reportedly contacted U.S. envoys, offering to discuss the nuclear dossier while conveying a different tone than their public defiance. The White House confirmed that the president had been briefed on a range of response options, including low‑level strikes, economic assistance and diplomatic engagement.

Tehran’s leaders responded with a combination of bellicose threats and guarded overtures. The foreign minister declared that Iran was prepared for war while still open to negotiations. The Supreme Leader blamed “vandals” manipulated by foreign powers and vowed that the Islamic Republic would not back down. Military commanders warned that any aggressor’s “hand would be cut off.” At the same time, Iran’s defence council issued a statement implying the country might adopt a more proactive defence doctrine, hinting at pre‑emptive strikes against perceived adversaries. Iran’s strategy of deterrence was already weakened; its proxy networks in Iraq, Lebanon and Syria had been eroded and its ballistic‑missile arsenal depleted during the previous summer’s war. Yet the Revolutionary Guard’s navy continued to harass U.S. naval assets in the Persian Gulf and repeatedly threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz, which would endanger global oil supplies.

Historical context and significance
The scale and intensity of the current uprising recall earlier episodes of mass dissent in Iran. The 2009 Green Movement and the 2019 fuel‑price protests exposed cracks in the Islamic Republic, but both were ultimately suppressed. The 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom protests, triggered by the death of a young woman in morality‑police custody, broadened the base of anti‑government activism. What distinguishes the 2025–26 uprising is the convergence of domestic hardship and external pressure: a collapsing economy, military defeat in the June war and the perception of humiliation at the hands of Israel and the United States. Moreover, there is no functioning reform movement inside the establishment; even politicians long considered moderates have defended the crackdown. The president elected in 2025, Masoud Pezeshkian, initially urged conciliation but soon joined hardliners in accusing foreign agents of fomenting unrest.

The protests also gained a monarchist dimension rarely seen in recent years. Chants praising Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of Iran’s last shah, became common. Speaking from Europe, Pahlavi urged demonstrators to keep their movement disciplined and as large as possible, and he called on them to prepare to seize and hold city centres. While few Iranians appear to desire a restoration of monarchy, Pahlavi symbolises an alternative to clerical rule. Some analysts suggested his calls could mark a turning point, particularly if discontent grows within the security forces. So far, however, there have been no significant defections among the Revolutionary Guard, Basij or the regular army, all of which remain structured to ensure loyalty to the Supreme Leader.

Prospects for change and international implications
Experts are divided on the likely trajectory of the unrest. Many believe that, in the absence of external intervention or major splits within the security apparatus, the Islamic Republic has the means and the will to suppress the protests. Iran’s internal security forces were forged in the brutal Iran–Iraq War and have shown a high tolerance for violence. A near‑total blackout further obscures the regime’s actions and reduces pressure from international media. Some anticipate a return to the status quo after weeks of repression, while warning that underlying grievances—runaway inflation, unemployment, water shortages and corruption—make renewed unrest in the near future almost inevitable.

Others argue that the protests expose deep vulnerabilities. The broad, cross‑class nature of the movement, combined with the regime’s foreign policy failures and economic mismanagement, has eroded the legitimacy of clerical rule. Iran’s decision to prioritise security spending over social welfare has fuelled anger even among traditional supporters. Observers are watching for signs of fissures within the elite and the security apparatus. Should senior commanders break ranks or mass defections occur, a negotiated transition or even a collapse of the regime becomes conceivable. In such a scenario the Revolutionary Guard could attempt to consolidate power, potentially working with hardline clerics to maintain some form of the Islamic Republic. Alternatively, a power vacuum could lead to violent struggles among rival factions, with profound implications for regional stability and global energy markets.

For the United States and other regional actors the stakes are high. Gulf monarchies, though privately relieved at the prospect of a weakened Iranian adversary, fear the contagion of mass protests. Israel regards the potential downfall of the Ayatollah as strategically advantageous but worries about the security of Iran’s missile and nuclear stockpiles. Western governments must weigh the moral imperative of supporting popular demands for freedom against the risks of military escalation and wider conflict. Any U.S. intervention would almost certainly prompt Iranian retaliation against American assets and allies in the Middle East. Iranian officials have signalled that U.S. bases, shipping lanes and global energy supplies could be targeted if Washington acts.

Conclusion and Future
Iran’s ongoing unrest is rooted in a convergence of economic desperation, political repression and strategic weakness. The demonstrations that began as a response to rising prices have evolved into a nationwide uprising against clerical rule. The regime has responded with lethal force and communications blackouts, while offering only minor economic relief. Internationally, the crisis has been inflamed by U.S. warnings of intervention and by Iran’s threats of retaliation. Whether this movement will lead to meaningful change depends on factors both inside and outside Iran: the resilience of the protesters, the cohesion of the security forces and the willingness of foreign powers to act. What is clear is that the Islamic Republic faces a level of dissent and external pressure unprecedented in recent years, and the outcome will shape not only Iran’s future but also the dynamics of the wider Middle East.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

US China race hits 2027

When NASA’s Artemis II crew splashed down in April 2026 after looping around the Moon, it rekindled interest in human spaceflight. The United States had not sent astronauts near the lunar surface in more than half a century, and its return came amid an unmistakable rivalry with a rising power. Over the last decade China has methodically tested rockets, landers and rovers, assembled its own orbital outpost and dispatched missions across the Solar System. The world’s two largest economies are now openly competing to build a permanent human presence on and around the Moon, to harvest its resources and to set the standards that will govern space for decades to come.Although the race evokes memories of the Cold War, experts stress that today’s contest is more complex. Rather than a sprint to plant a flag, the current competition is a marathon to establish infrastructure and routines for sustained exploration. It also includes commercial players, such as SpaceX and Blue Origin in the United States and a fast‑growing private sector in China. Political leaders in Washington and Beijing frame their objectives in terms of national prestige, economic opportunity and security, while scientists see the potential for breakthroughs in geology, physics and planetary science. In this multifaceted arena, the year 2027 looms as a pivotal test of each nation’s ambitions.Washington’s roadmap: Artemis and a moon baseThe United States is pursuing its lunar return through NASA’s Artemis programme. Artemis II demonstrated that the Space Launch System rocket and Orion spacecraft could carry a crew around the Moon and return safely. The next steps are more demanding. NASA plans a complex Earth‑orbit flight in 2027 in which Orion will practice docking with one or both of the commercial lunar landers now under development. This demonstration is essential for subsequent missions that will ferry astronauts to the lunar surface. Without a successful rendezvous and refuelling sequence, the agency cannot meet its goal of up to two crewed landings in 2028 and the construction of a lunar base in the early 2030s. NASA Administrator Jared Isaacman has warned that the United States is in a new space race and that failure to keep pace could damage American leadership. He argues that seeing Chinese taikonauts on the Moon before U.S. astronauts return would deliver a blow to American confidence and global influence.Policy makers in Washington view the timeline as tight. The launch of Artemis III, originally targeted for 2024, has slipped to 2028 after interim dates in 2026 and 2027. This drift reflects technical hurdles and shifting political priorities; over the past two decades U.S. lunar goals have changed with each administration. Under President Donald Trump, NASA’s focus returned to the Moon, and Congress has largely sustained funding. Lawmakers such as Senator Ted Cruz emphasise that America must simultaneously maintain leadership in low Earth orbit, where the International Space Station nears the end of its life, and embark on a new era of exploration. The challenge is to integrate commercial capabilities—particularly SpaceX’s Starship system, which will serve as a lunar lander—with NASA’s heavy‑lift rockets and Orion capsule. In low Earth orbit, U.S. companies are also competing to build private space stations as the ISS winds down.Behind the headline missions is a robust commercial ecosystem. SpaceX’s Falcon and Starship rockets have dramatically lowered launch costs, enabling a boom in satellite deployment and paving the way for large‑scale lunar logistics. Other firms are developing lunar landers, cargo services and in‑orbit data processing that uses artificial intelligence to analyze imagery directly in space rather than sending raw data back to Earth. Proponents say these technologies will revolutionize Earth observation, communications and defence, creating an “orbital economy” that could be worth trillions. Critics, however, worry about the potential for an uncontrolled proliferation of satellites, increasing the risk of collision and creating space debris—known as the Kessler syndrome—that could render some orbits unusable.Beijing’s blueprint: Chang’e, Tiangong and mega‑constellationsChina’s lunar ambitions were late to emerge but have progressed steadily since the Chang’e programme began in 2007. In the past decade the China National Space Administration has landed robotic spacecraft on the Moon’s near and far sides, returned lunar samples to Earth and placed two rovers on the surface. Its next steps include launching the Chang’e‑7 mission in late 2026 to explore the lunar south pole and Chang’e‑8 in 2029 to test technologies such as in‑situ resource utilization. These missions will lay the groundwork for an International Lunar Research Station that Beijing plans to build with Russia and other partners in the 2030s. Chinese officials say a crewed landing will occur before 2030, using the new Long March‑10 rocket, Mengzhou spacecraft and Lanyue lander. Tests of these systems began in 2025 and are progressing on schedule, according to state media.The difference between the U.S. and Chinese approaches is striking. China’s lunar timeline has remained largely steady, with milestones set years in advance and executed through successive five‑year plans. Analysts note that the one‑party state does not face the congressional budget battles or policy reversals common in Washington, allowing it to align industries, financing and state priorities around long‑term goals. Xi Jinping has framed space exploration as part of national rejuvenation, and the aerospace sector is listed among the strategic industries of the future. At the same time China is rapidly expanding its presence in Earth orbit. It operates the Tiangong space station, assembled in modules launched between 2021 and 2022, and plans to add a co‑orbiting telescope module. Chinese astronauts routinely conduct long‑duration missions and record‑setting spacewalks from Tiangong.Beyond human spaceflight, China is building its own satellite megaconstellations. The Thousand Sails network aims to deploy more than a thousand satellites by 2027 and potentially 14,000 by the 2030s to provide global broadband and compete with SpaceX’s Starlink. The defence‑oriented Guowang constellation could add another 13,000 satellites by 2035. China had over 800 satellites in orbit at the start of 2025—more than any country except the United States, which has nearly 9,000—but its launch rate is accelerating. In 2024 China launched 68 orbital rockets, second only to the U.S., and is testing reusable boosters and powerful new engines. It is also pursuing a Mars sample‑return mission that could bring material back to Earth by 2031, potentially beating NASA’s delayed Mars campaign. Observers say these achievements reflect an ecosystem that now rivals the U.S. in breadth, even if China still lags in private sector innovation and reusable rocket technology.Why 2027 mattersThe year 2027 stands out as a make‑or‑break point in the unfolding space competition. For NASA, the planned in‑orbit docking demonstration will show whether its architecture—combining the Orion crew capsule with privately built lunar landers—can actually work. This test has already been inserted into the Artemis sequence as a separate mission, and without it the agency cannot risk sending astronauts to the lunar surface. Success would keep the 2028 landing on track and bolster confidence in the United States’ ability to lead; failure could postpone human landings by years and give China a psychological and strategic advantage. Some observers argue that delays would also erode congressional support and funding, since political attention could shift to Mars or Earth‑orbit projects.For China, the mid‑2020s are equally crucial. By the end of 2026 the Chang’e‑7 probe is expected to deliver data from the Moon’s south pole, and the Thousand Sails constellation could surpass the 1,000‑satellite mark a year later. Meanwhile, low‑altitude tests of the Long March‑10 and Mengzhou systems in 2025 and 2026 will set the stage for full‑scale flight tests. If all proceeds as planned, China will enter 2027 with an integrated system for human lunar flight, a mature space station and an expanding commercial sector. The momentum could position Beijing to attempt its first crewed lunar landing by the end of the decade, perhaps just a year or two after Artemis III.The symbolic stakes of who returns to the Moon first resonate beyond space professionals. Many commentators see access to lunar resources such as water ice and helium‑3 as future economic boons, enabling fuel production, life support and even fusion energy. Others worry that these expectations could inflame geopolitical tensions and lead to the partition of the lunar surface. Online discussions are filled with references to science‑fiction series like For All Mankind and Star Wars, a sign of how popular culture shapes perceptions of space. Some people lament the absence of Europe in the high‑profile contest, expressing frustration that the European Space Agency is not competing at the same level. Others note that the proliferation of mega‑constellations could spoil the night sky for astronomy and raise the risk of collisions. A common thread is the belief that space is becoming another arena for geopolitical rivalry and that humanity must balance exploration with responsibility.What’s at stakeAt the heart of the new space race is a struggle over norms and infrastructure. The country that first establishes a sustained presence on the Moon will likely influence how lunar resources are allocated, how safety zones are defined and how future claims are adjudicated. China’s plan for an International Lunar Research Station is open to partners but would be led by Beijing and Moscow, while the U.S. promotes the Artemis Accords, a set of principles signed by more than thirty nations that emphasise transparency, peaceful use and the protection of heritage sites. The two frameworks represent competing visions of governance. Some analysts worry that parallel bases could harden rival blocs and complicate cooperation on scientific projects.Economic motives also loom large. The Moon’s south pole contains ice deposits that can be split into oxygen and hydrogen for rocket fuel; its regolith may hold helium‑3, a potential fuel for fusion reactors; and rare earth elements could be mined for electronics. Companies envisage extracting these materials and using them to support lunar factories, orbital refineries and interplanetary missions. Observers point out that many of these prospects are speculative and that the technological and legal challenges are formidable. Nevertheless, the prospect of a trillion‑dollar space economy drives investment from governments and venture capital. Commentators on social media often joke about “all those beautiful minerals” and wonder whether space will become a battlefield for humans. Others warn that competition could trigger an arms race, with anti‑satellite weapons and military platforms turning Earth orbit into a contested zone.Environmental concerns add another layer of complexity. Mega‑constellations of thousands of satellites enable global internet and Earth‑observing services, but they also contribute to light pollution and radio interference that hamper astronomical research. Critics argue that launching tens of thousands of spacecraft to benefit a small fraction of the population is not worth degrading the natural beauty of the night sky. Campaigners call for international regulation to ensure that orbits remain sustainable and that debris is removed. The U.S. Federal Communications Commission and international bodies are beginning to address these issues, but enforcement remains weak.Beyond the U.S. and ChinaWhile the rivalry between Washington and Beijing dominates headlines, other actors are shaping the space landscape. India, which landed a spacecraft near the lunar south pole in 2023, plans its own crewed missions and has an eye on lunar resources. Russia remains formally involved with China’s lunar base plan despite its own economic struggles. Private corporations across the globe are developing lunar landers, communications relays and space‑based manufacturing. Even as the European Space Agency grapples with funding and policy issues, European companies supply critical hardware, such as the service module for Orion and lunar lander technology. Japan, Canada and the United Arab Emirates are all planning missions that will contribute to lunar exploration or the construction of the Lunar Gateway, a planned station in lunar orbit.Taken together, these efforts suggest that the future of space will be multipolar. The outcome of the 2027 milestones will not end the race but will set the trajectory for the coming decade. Whether the United States and China choose to cooperate or compete will influence how quickly humanity establishes a foothold beyond Earth and whether the benefits of space are shared or monopolized.An uncertain finish lineThe United States and China are already locked in a fierce competition for space. Both nations have articulated ambitious lunar roadmaps, invested billions in rockets, spacecraft and infrastructure, and rallied their citizens with promises of national renewal and scientific glory. Yet the space environment today is far more complex than during the Apollo era. Private companies wield unprecedented influence, environmental and legal questions remain unresolved, and the stakes extend from lunar ice to orbital broadband and planetary defence. The year 2027 will be a crucial inflection point: a successful docking test for Artemis and the continued pace of China’s Chang’e and megaconstellation programmes will signal whether each nation can execute its plans on schedule. Failure or delay on either side could alter perceptions of leadership and open space for newcomers.As the countdown to these milestones advances, policymakers, engineers and citizens alike grapple with what the space race means. Will it inspire cooperation and new frontiers of knowledge, or will it deepen divisions and militarize the heavens? Will the Moon become a laboratory for sustainable living or a quarry for minerals? And can humanity develop rules and norms to manage an increasingly crowded sky? The answers will emerge over the next several years. For now, the only certainty is that the competition is real, the challenges are immense and the outcome will shape the cosmic future of us all.