Coin Press - New York’s lost Luster

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New York’s lost Luster




New York City long prided itself on drawing the world’s brightest minds and deepest pockets. Yet the past decade has brought a slow ebb in the pool of people who power its economy. Population figures show the city’s ascent faltering: after years of growth, the number of residents began to decline in 2017 and then plunged by nearly half a million between April 2020 and July 2022. A modest rebound of about 120 000 people since 2022, largely through international migration, has not fully offset the losses. Domestic migration patterns reveal that most leavers initially head to suburbs around New York, but the states that gain the most are low‑tax, fast‑growing destinations such as Florida and Texas. High costs and quality‑of‑life concerns are recurring themes among those who leave.

Recent estimates released in 2025 show that New York’s pandemic‑era population decline is reversing. The city added about 87 000 residents between July 2023 and July 2024, lifting its total population to roughly 8.478 million. The state as a whole gained around 130 000 residents over the same period, recouping one‑third of the half‑million people lost between April 2020 and July 2022. These two consecutive years of growth reflect improved counts of international migration and shelter populations. Nevertheless, net domestic outmigration remains substantial—around 121 000 people in 2024—though that figure marks the lowest level since 2013 and is largely driven by low‑ and middle‑income households.

Millionaires and high‑earners: shrinking share of the nation’s wealth
New York’s public services depend heavily on a small number of wealthy residents. In 2022 millionaires represented less than 1 % of tax filers yet provided 44 % of state and 40 % of city personal‑income tax revenue. That reliance is threatened by a marked decline in the city’s share of national wealth. From 2010 to 2022 New York’s share of the United States’ millionaire households fell from 12.7 % to 8.7 %, dropping the state from second to fourth place behind California, Florida and Texas. While the number of millionaires in New York almost doubled during that period, comparable households more than tripled in California and Texas and quadrupled in Florida. Had New York retained its 2010 share of millionaires, the state and city would have collected about US$13 billion more in personal‑income tax in 2022.

The erosion is visible in migration data. Between 2019 and 2020, tax filings show that the number of city residents earning between US$150 000 and US$750 000 fell by nearly six percent, while those making more than US$750 000 dropped by almost ten percent. A study of address‑change data compiled by the state’s tax department found that in 2020 and 2021 more than six percent of millionaire households updated their addresses to locations outside New York; by 2023 that rate had fallen to below three percent, but it remains higher than before the pandemic. Meanwhile, high earners pay a combined state and city marginal tax rate that can exceed 13.5 %, a national high. Moving to nearby Connecticut can save a household earning US$1 million more than US$70 000 a year in state and local income taxes, and a US$5 million property can attract roughly US$23 000–48 000 less in annual property taxes. Such disparities give affluent households incentives to move without losing access to New York’s cultural attractions.

The pull of the Sun Belt and other competitors
The magnetism of Florida and Texas rests not only on their sunny climates. Neither state levies an income tax, and both boast lower living costs. Census data released in January 2025 show that Florida gained around 64 000 residents from other states between July 2023 and July 2024, while Texas added more than 85 000. During the same period New York recorded a net domestic migration loss of roughly 121 000 people. A report tracking wealth flows found that between 2013 and 2022 New York lost about US$517.5 billion in cumulative resident income as households moved away, while New Jersey lost US$170.1 billion; Florida on the other hand gained over US$1 trillion. Average incomes of people relocating from New York to Florida’s Miami‑Dade and Palm Beach counties exceeded US$266 000 and US$189 000 respectively.

Low taxes are not the only attraction. A detailed look at job trends reveals that New York is slowly losing ground in industries it once dominated. Since 1990 the share of city workers employed in finance and insurance has slipped from 11.5 % to 7.7 %. Of the 233 000 finance jobs created nationwide over the past five years, the state captured only 19 000. Major firms have been shifting managers and back‑office staff to lower‑cost markets such as Dallas, Salt Lake City, Alpharetta (Georgia) and Charlotte. New York’s combined state and local corporate tax rate can exceed 18 %, according to business associations; regulatory mandates on hiring practices and the high cost of compliance further add to operating expenses. These pressures encourage both start‑ups and established institutions to look elsewhere.

Lifestyle factors compound the economic calculus. Median monthly rent in the city now exceeds US$3 600, more than twice the US$1 700 average across the 50 largest U.S. cities. Annual nursery‑care fees average about US$26 000 and basic car insurance costs roughly US$1 729—both among the highest in the country. The federal cap on state‑and‑local tax deductions introduced in 2017 has increased effective tax rates for wealthy residents. High costs of living and limited deductions are cited by some of the city’s billionaire investors, including Paul Singer and Carl Icahn, who moved to Florida in recent years.

Business relocations and the corporate drip
Concerns over the city’s direction intensified after proposals for higher income and corporate taxes gained traction in the 2025 mayoral election. In the weeks following the vote, state records in Florida show that at least 27 firms registered by New York owners applied to expand operations there, while nine filed to relocate entirely. The mayor of Boca Raton reported that four corporate headquarters are already planning moves to his city, and he has received “too many to count” inquiries since the election. Local economic‑development officials in South Florida confirm that investment bankers and hedge‑fund managers are increasingly scouting office space. Civic leaders have responded by offering targeted incentives and promising to address growing pains such as housing and transport.

At home the city’s business landscape is changing. A moving‑industry report based on 24 million recorded moves found that from May 2024 to October 2025 New York lost 8 400 jobs in finance and more than 1 200 chain retail stores closed. While the data do not capture every corporate decision, they suggest that the losses are concentrated in high‑paying sectors that underpin the city’s tax base. Job growth since the pandemic has been skewed toward lower‑paid fields such as home healthcare and social assistance. Inflation‑adjusted private‑sector wages in New York fell 9 % between January 2020 and August 2025, whereas national wages rose 3 %.

Not just the wealthy: the middle‑class exodus
The narrative of billionaires fleeing masks a broader challenge. Data from the same moving‑industry report reveal that households earning between US$51 000 and US$200 000 account for the largest number of departures from New York City. People making US$51 000–100 000 recorded 66 158 outflows, followed closely by the US$101 000–200 000 group with 62 209. In contrast, departures among high‑income residents fell after the 2025 primary election. The report also notes that 88 % of newcomers earn under US$200 000, signalling a shift toward a lower‑income demographic. Working‑class and middle‑income households cite rising housing costs and the cost of raising children as primary reasons for leaving.

Research by an independent fiscal institute offers further nuance. After analysing eight years of migration records, the institute found that high earners typically move out of New York State at about one‑quarter the rate of other residents. The surge in wealthy departures during 2020 and 2021 was largely a temporary response to pandemic‑induced remote work. Migration rates for high earners returned to pre‑pandemic levels by 2022, and the state gained 17 500 millionaire households from 2020 through 2022 despite losing about 2 400. Statistical analysis showed no significant evidence that recent tax increases prompted high‑income migration; when affluent New Yorkers do move, they often choose other high‑tax states. Independent fact‑checkers note that working‑class New Yorkers, particularly Black and Hispanic residents and families with young children, leave at much higher rates than wealthy households.

Policy debates and social costs
Despite an improving population count, structural pressures remain. New York spends US$9 761 per resident on welfare and education—72 % more than Texas and 130 % more than Florida. Low‑income renters now devote 54 % of their income to rent, up from under 40 % in 1991; even a well‑paid professional must earn at least US$151 600 annually to ensure that rent on a studio consumes only 30 % of income. Without a rebound in finance or a dramatic housing boom, business leaders warn that New York could devolve into an “economically ordinary” US city, burdened by high rents and expanding welfare obligations.

Political debates have sharpened these tensions. The 2025 mayoral frontrunner, Zohran Mamdani, proposes adding a two‑percentage‑point surcharge on incomes above US$1 million and raising the corporate income‑tax rate to 11.5 % to fund universal childcare and free buses. Experts point out that tax‑induced mobility among high earners is small: studies by Northwestern University, the EU Tax Observatory and the Fiscal Policy Institute indicate that wealthy households rarely move solely because of tax differentials. Nevertheless, policy analysts caution that imposing the nation’s highest marginal rates could gradually erode the tax base.

Statistics from the Citizens Budget Commission show that more than 125 000 New Yorkers relocated to Florida between 2018 and 2022, carrying nearly US$14 billion in adjusted gross income. Such figures fuel both sides of the debate: proponents of higher taxes argue that migration flows are limited, while opponents warn that revenue losses could accelerate. The city’s 2025 “City of Yes” zoning reforms spurred construction of about 34 000 apartments in a single year, but housing supply remains tight. The interplay between taxes, housing costs and public services will determine whether New York regains its footing or continues to lose ground to lower‑cost competitors.

A city at a crossroads
New York’s appeal has always rested on its ability to offer unmatched cultural life, economic opportunity and diversity. The recent outflows of wealth, talent and businesses threaten this model. With millionaires comprising less than one percent of residents yet contributing nearly half of personal‑income tax revenue, the departure of even a few thousand people can blow a hole in public finances. The value proposition for middle‑income families is equally in jeopardy as housing and childcare costs soar. Meanwhile, the definancialisation of the local economy and the relocation of corporate headquarters erode the city’s job base. Taken together, these trends give credence to the image of a city that is “sinking” under the weight of its own costs.

Yet the picture is not one of unrelenting decline. International migration, natural population growth and inbound investment continue to sustain New York. Surveys show that residents still value the city’s parks, cultural institutions and transit network despite concerns about safety and affordability. The challenge for policymakers is to balance progressive social aims with economic competitiveness: to improve public services and housing affordability while keeping tax rates and business costs from driving away the very people and companies who fund them.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

China’s cartel lifeline

China is not keeping Mexico’s drug cartels alive through a formal alliance, a military pact or an openly declared policy. The reality is more diffuse and, in operational terms, more useful. China-linked chemical suppliers, commercial intermediaries and underground banking networks have become crucial parts of the infrastructure that allows Mexican criminal organisations to manufacture synthetic drugs at scale, move them towards the United States and recycle the proceeds with remarkable speed. The relationship is not a single organisation. It is a market in which every participant solves a problem for somebody else.That distinction matters. There is no publicly demonstrated command structure in which Beijing directs the Sinaloa Cartel or the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generación. Nor is every Chinese chemical company, exporter, student, business owner or currency broker involved in crime. Yet the available evidence shows that actors based in China or connected to Chinese commercial and underground banking systems have become indispensable enablers of Mexico’s synthetic-drug economy. They supply ingredients, reduce financial friction and provide the cartels with a global capacity that Mexican organisations could not reproduce as cheaply or efficiently on their own. The phrase saving the cartels is therefore provocative, but not meaningless. It describes an economic function rather than a political alliance.An industrial supply chain, not a secret pactThe modern fentanyl trade is less dependent on farmland than the heroin and cocaine businesses that preceded it. Synthetic drugs can be produced close to their final market, their potency makes transport exceptionally profitable, and their chemistry can be adjusted when a particular substance is banned. That has changed the balance of power inside organised crime. Access to chemicals, expertise, equipment and finance now matters as much as control over fields or remote trafficking corridors. When China placed fentanyl-related substances under class-wide control in 2019, the trade did not disappear. It changed form. Direct exports of finished fentanyl became more difficult, while Mexican organisations expanded their own synthesis using imported precursor and pre-precursor chemicals. The business moved one step upstream into the vast international chemical market, where many compounds have legitimate industrial or pharmaceutical uses and where criminal diversion can be concealed behind intermediaries, false descriptions, altered customs codes and shipments routed through third countries.Mexican brokers and cartel-linked procurement specialists search for suppliers, negotiate prices and arrange delivery through Pacific ports, air cargo, courier services and parcel networks. Some chemicals enter Mexico directly. Others pass through the United States or additional transit jurisdictions before reaching clandestine laboratories. Suppliers can switch to closely related compounds when regulators schedule a specific substance, leaving enforcement agencies trapped in a recurring race between chemical innovation and legal control. Not every company in the chain necessarily knows the ultimate destination or intended use of a shipment. That ambiguity is one reason the system is resilient. At the same time, recent prosecutions have described sellers who allegedly marketed chemicals for narcotics production, discussed concealment methods, accepted digital payments and tailored products to the requirements of traffickers. The supply chain ranges from wilful criminal partnership to negligent compliance and the exploitation of ordinary trade.Once the chemicals arrive, Mexican groups provide the violent and logistical layer. They operate laboratories, recruit chemists, press counterfeit tablets, move bulk powder and use established smuggling networks to cross the US border. The Sinaloa Cartel and CJNG remain the most important organisations in this market, although splinter groups, regional allies and independent brokers increasingly participate. The result is not a simple China-to-Mexico pipeline, but an adaptive commercial web.The financial machine behind the narcotics tradeChemicals are only half of the story. A cartel that cannot move, convert and reinvest its earnings is a cartel that cannot survive. This is where Chinese underground banking and money-laundering networks have become especially valuable. Mexican organisations accumulate enormous quantities of dollars from retail and wholesale drug sales in the United States. Physically moving that cash across the border is expensive and vulnerable to seizure. Conventional bank transfers create records and require explanations. Traditional laundering networks charge substantial fees because they assume serious legal and operational risk.At the same time, many Chinese citizens and businesses seek access to dollars outside China, whether to buy property, pay tuition, acquire luxury goods or move wealth beyond the country’s strict foreign-exchange controls. Most of those customers are not drug traffickers. Their demand for foreign currency nevertheless creates a pool of buyers that professional laundering networks can exploit. The broker matches the two sides. Cartel dollars collected in the United States are delivered to a buyer, deposited through a network of accounts or used to purchase goods. An equivalent amount of renminbi is then paid inside China through a separate domestic transaction. The cartel or its representative receives value in Mexico through pesos, commercial payments, goods, property or accounts controlled by front companies. The money does not need to travel from the United States to China and back through a conventional international transfer. Value moves, while the original currency often remains within the country where it was collected.This is the logic of the mirror transaction. It is fast, difficult to reconstruct and capable of serving two clients at once. The cartel disposes of incriminating cash. The Chinese customer acquires foreign spending power. The broker earns fees and may profit again through trade, exchange-rate spreads or the resale of goods.The laundering can then be layered through electronics, designer products, vehicles, property, casinos, restaurants, import-export companies, cashier’s cheques, peer-to-peer payments, shell businesses, stablecoins and other digital assets. Encrypted messaging allows couriers and brokers to verify cash pickups with serial numbers or photographs while revealing little about the wider network. Trade-based laundering is particularly effective because a legitimate shipment can disguise an illicit transfer of value through false invoices, overpricing, underpricing or transactions between related companies.Between 2020 and 2024, 137,153 suspicious activity reports covered approximately 312 billion dollars in activity potentially linked to Chinese money-laundering networks. That figure must not be mistaken for 312 billion dollars of proven cartel revenue. Suspicious activity reports may overlap, include attempted transfers and capture lawful as well as unlawful transactions. Even with that essential caveat, the scale shows how deeply these networks can touch banks, money-service businesses, property markets, retail commerce and digital payment systems.Recent cases expose the convergenceEvents during 2026 have made the structure increasingly visible. In May, two Chinese nationals were charged with participating in a transnational laundering organisation that allegedly served the Sinaloa Cartel and CJNG. The alleged methods included mirror transfers, foreign bank accounts, encrypted communications, serial-number verification and trade-based laundering across the United States, Mexico, Latin America and China. In another case announced in March, six Chinese nationals and two pharmaceutical companies were charged in conspiracies involving chemical agents used to manufacture or adulterate fentanyl. Three defendants were also accused of attempting to provide material support to a person they believed represented the Gulf Cartel. The allegations illustrated how chemical sales, payment processing and cartel logistics can merge within the same commercial relationship.In June, a Honduras-based Chinese national pleaded guilty to drug trafficking, laundering and providing support to CJNG. The network had coordinated the laundering of more than 22 million dollars in proceeds from cocaine and fentanyl sales and used cryptocurrency, trade-based methods and encrypted communications. It had also participated in moving more than 450 kilograms of cocaine. Each case has its own legal facts, and charges remain allegations until proven. Taken together, however, the cases reveal a mature service economy. Cartels are no longer merely buying chemicals from distant factories and hiring unrelated launderers afterwards. They can draw on overlapping networks that arrange procurement, transport, payment, currency conversion, concealment and reinvestment.That integration reduces costs and makes disruption harder. Arresting a cartel lieutenant may remove one customer, but it does not eliminate the broker. Seizing one chemical shipment may delay a laboratory, but it does not destroy the supplier network. Closing one account often causes the money to migrate to another bank, another trade corridor or another digital asset.Beijing’s responsibility is real, but it is not simpleThe evidence does not justify treating every China-linked actor as an agent of the Chinese state. It does, however, raise serious questions about enforcement, regulatory incentives and the degree of political priority assigned to the problem. China possesses one of the world’s largest chemical and pharmaceutical manufacturing sectors. Its scale is a legitimate economic strength, but it also creates an enormous monitoring challenge. Small producers, trading companies, online sellers and freight intermediaries can be difficult to supervise, especially when the products are dual-use chemicals rather than finished narcotics. Criminal vendors can change company names, websites, payment channels and export descriptions faster than traditional investigations can proceed.Beijing has taken meaningful steps. It placed fentanyl-related substances under broad control, has prosecuted selected offenders and has participated in limited joint operations. In May 2026, China added three more chemicals to its controlled precursor list for exports to the United States, Canada and Mexico, while warning businesses about eight additional substances that could be used to manufacture synthetic drugs. A joint Chinese and US investigation also led to five arrests and drug seizures. Those actions demonstrate that cooperation is possible. They also expose the central weakness of molecule-by-molecule regulation. Once one chemical is controlled, traffickers can turn to a pre-precursor, a substitute compound or a different synthesis route. Effective enforcement therefore requires regulation of chemical families, rigorous customer verification, scrutiny of suspicious export patterns and rapid exchange of intelligence with destination countries.China argues that the fentanyl crisis is fundamentally an American problem driven by domestic demand and that Washington uses the issue as a geopolitical weapon. The first part contains an important truth. Without a vast consumer market in the United States, there would be no comparable revenue stream for the cartels. Yet demand does not absolve suppliers, brokers or governments from acting against criminal diversion. The crisis is simultaneously American in consumption, Mexican in large-scale production and transnational in chemistry and finance.Mexico is the manufacturing hub and the battlefieldMexico is not a passive victim of a foreign scheme. Its cartels choose to buy the chemicals, operate the laboratories, corrupt officials, intimidate communities and smuggle the finished drugs. They have converted geographic proximity to the United States into a decisive commercial advantage and have used decades of experience in cocaine, heroin and methamphetamine trafficking to build a synthetic-drug industry of global reach.The Mexican government has intensified seizures, laboratory raids, border deployments and transfers of major cartel figures to US custody. These actions have disrupted individual organisations and demonstrated a greater willingness to confront high-value targets. Yet the underlying business model has proved highly adaptable. Leadership losses can trigger fragmentation, succession wars and temporary chaos without eliminating the market for drugs, laundering or protection. Ports remain a critical vulnerability. The volume of legitimate trade makes comprehensive inspection impossible, while corruption, intimidation and falsified documentation can help suspicious cargo pass through. Local police forces and prosecutors often face far greater resources and firepower on the criminal side. National institutions may conduct spectacular operations, but sustained control requires reliable customs systems, protected investigators, independent courts and a financial intelligence structure capable of following money through legitimate businesses.Mexico’s insistence on sovereignty is understandable, especially when US officials speak of unilateral action. But sovereignty cannot become a shield against verifiable evidence or a substitute for institutional reform. Equally, Washington cannot treat Mexico merely as a source of danger while ignoring the American market that generates the profit and the financial channels through which much of that profit circulates.Why the cartels are being savedChina-linked networks save Mexican cartels in three practical ways. First, they preserve production by supplying an evolving menu of chemicals and equipment when specific substances are banned. Secondly, they make laundering cheaper and safer by matching drug dollars with demand for foreign currency and goods among Chinese customers. Thirdly, they internationalise cartel finance, allowing proceeds to be converted into property, trade, digital assets and legitimate-looking business revenue across several jurisdictions.The word saving should not be confused with charity or ideology. These are commercial relationships. Chemical suppliers want sales. Money brokers want fees. Chinese clients want access to overseas currency. Mexican cartels want inputs and clean value. Each party can participate without understanding the entire structure, and that fragmentation protects the system from collapse. Yet the phrase can also mislead. China is not the sole cause of cartel power. Mexico’s corruption and impunity, US drug demand, weaknesses in global trade controls, gaps in financial supervision and the extraordinary profitability of synthetic narcotics all sustain the same market. Removing one Chinese supplier would not end it. Reducing the availability of China-linked chemicals and laundering services across the system would, however, make cartel operations slower, more expensive and more vulnerable.What could actually break the chainA serious strategy must target the network rather than its nationality. Chemical producers should be required to verify customers, end users and unusual shipping routes. Export controls should cover families of dangerous compounds and be updated rapidly as synthesis methods change. Online platforms should be compelled to remove sellers that advertise concealment or narcotics applications. Ports need risk-based screening built on trade data, beneficial ownership records and intelligence about brokers, not merely random container searches.Financial enforcement must look beyond large international transfers. The most revealing signals may be repeated cash deposits, unexplained purchases of electronics, rapid credit-card repayments, property acquired through third parties, companies trading far beyond their apparent capacity and stablecoin flows that do not fit a customer’s profile. Banks, payment companies, casinos, estate agents, customs services and digital-asset platforms need to see themselves as parts of the same defensive system. Targeted sanctions and prosecutions can isolate the brokers who connect otherwise separate criminal markets. They are likely to be more effective than broad tariffs, which punish legitimate trade and can be absorbed or circumvented without identifying a single illicit shipment. Mutual legal assistance between China, Mexico and the United States must become faster, more routine and less dependent on the wider political climate.Enforcement alone will not resolve the crisis. The United States must continue reducing overdose deaths through treatment, prevention, naloxone access and a credible strategy for lowering demand. Mexico must strengthen institutions that protect ports, courts and local government from criminal capture. China must police chemical exporters and underground banking with the same seriousness it applies to threats it regards as central to domestic stability.The deepest danger is the belief that the fentanyl economy is a straight line from a Chinese factory to a Mexican laboratory and then across the US border. It is a web of legal commerce, criminal brokerage, digital finance, corrupt facilitation and consumer demand. That is why it survives arrests, sanctions and record seizures. China is not single-handedly keeping Mexico’s cartels alive. But China-linked chemical and financial networks have become one of the principal systems that allow them to adapt, recover and expand. Breaking that relationship would not end organised crime. It would remove one of its most efficient engines.