Coin Press - New York’s lost Luster

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New York’s lost Luster




New York City long prided itself on drawing the world’s brightest minds and deepest pockets. Yet the past decade has brought a slow ebb in the pool of people who power its economy. Population figures show the city’s ascent faltering: after years of growth, the number of residents began to decline in 2017 and then plunged by nearly half a million between April 2020 and July 2022. A modest rebound of about 120 000 people since 2022, largely through international migration, has not fully offset the losses. Domestic migration patterns reveal that most leavers initially head to suburbs around New York, but the states that gain the most are low‑tax, fast‑growing destinations such as Florida and Texas. High costs and quality‑of‑life concerns are recurring themes among those who leave.

Recent estimates released in 2025 show that New York’s pandemic‑era population decline is reversing. The city added about 87 000 residents between July 2023 and July 2024, lifting its total population to roughly 8.478 million. The state as a whole gained around 130 000 residents over the same period, recouping one‑third of the half‑million people lost between April 2020 and July 2022. These two consecutive years of growth reflect improved counts of international migration and shelter populations. Nevertheless, net domestic outmigration remains substantial—around 121 000 people in 2024—though that figure marks the lowest level since 2013 and is largely driven by low‑ and middle‑income households.

Millionaires and high‑earners: shrinking share of the nation’s wealth
New York’s public services depend heavily on a small number of wealthy residents. In 2022 millionaires represented less than 1 % of tax filers yet provided 44 % of state and 40 % of city personal‑income tax revenue. That reliance is threatened by a marked decline in the city’s share of national wealth. From 2010 to 2022 New York’s share of the United States’ millionaire households fell from 12.7 % to 8.7 %, dropping the state from second to fourth place behind California, Florida and Texas. While the number of millionaires in New York almost doubled during that period, comparable households more than tripled in California and Texas and quadrupled in Florida. Had New York retained its 2010 share of millionaires, the state and city would have collected about US$13 billion more in personal‑income tax in 2022.

The erosion is visible in migration data. Between 2019 and 2020, tax filings show that the number of city residents earning between US$150 000 and US$750 000 fell by nearly six percent, while those making more than US$750 000 dropped by almost ten percent. A study of address‑change data compiled by the state’s tax department found that in 2020 and 2021 more than six percent of millionaire households updated their addresses to locations outside New York; by 2023 that rate had fallen to below three percent, but it remains higher than before the pandemic. Meanwhile, high earners pay a combined state and city marginal tax rate that can exceed 13.5 %, a national high. Moving to nearby Connecticut can save a household earning US$1 million more than US$70 000 a year in state and local income taxes, and a US$5 million property can attract roughly US$23 000–48 000 less in annual property taxes. Such disparities give affluent households incentives to move without losing access to New York’s cultural attractions.

The pull of the Sun Belt and other competitors
The magnetism of Florida and Texas rests not only on their sunny climates. Neither state levies an income tax, and both boast lower living costs. Census data released in January 2025 show that Florida gained around 64 000 residents from other states between July 2023 and July 2024, while Texas added more than 85 000. During the same period New York recorded a net domestic migration loss of roughly 121 000 people. A report tracking wealth flows found that between 2013 and 2022 New York lost about US$517.5 billion in cumulative resident income as households moved away, while New Jersey lost US$170.1 billion; Florida on the other hand gained over US$1 trillion. Average incomes of people relocating from New York to Florida’s Miami‑Dade and Palm Beach counties exceeded US$266 000 and US$189 000 respectively.

Low taxes are not the only attraction. A detailed look at job trends reveals that New York is slowly losing ground in industries it once dominated. Since 1990 the share of city workers employed in finance and insurance has slipped from 11.5 % to 7.7 %. Of the 233 000 finance jobs created nationwide over the past five years, the state captured only 19 000. Major firms have been shifting managers and back‑office staff to lower‑cost markets such as Dallas, Salt Lake City, Alpharetta (Georgia) and Charlotte. New York’s combined state and local corporate tax rate can exceed 18 %, according to business associations; regulatory mandates on hiring practices and the high cost of compliance further add to operating expenses. These pressures encourage both start‑ups and established institutions to look elsewhere.

Lifestyle factors compound the economic calculus. Median monthly rent in the city now exceeds US$3 600, more than twice the US$1 700 average across the 50 largest U.S. cities. Annual nursery‑care fees average about US$26 000 and basic car insurance costs roughly US$1 729—both among the highest in the country. The federal cap on state‑and‑local tax deductions introduced in 2017 has increased effective tax rates for wealthy residents. High costs of living and limited deductions are cited by some of the city’s billionaire investors, including Paul Singer and Carl Icahn, who moved to Florida in recent years.

Business relocations and the corporate drip
Concerns over the city’s direction intensified after proposals for higher income and corporate taxes gained traction in the 2025 mayoral election. In the weeks following the vote, state records in Florida show that at least 27 firms registered by New York owners applied to expand operations there, while nine filed to relocate entirely. The mayor of Boca Raton reported that four corporate headquarters are already planning moves to his city, and he has received “too many to count” inquiries since the election. Local economic‑development officials in South Florida confirm that investment bankers and hedge‑fund managers are increasingly scouting office space. Civic leaders have responded by offering targeted incentives and promising to address growing pains such as housing and transport.

At home the city’s business landscape is changing. A moving‑industry report based on 24 million recorded moves found that from May 2024 to October 2025 New York lost 8 400 jobs in finance and more than 1 200 chain retail stores closed. While the data do not capture every corporate decision, they suggest that the losses are concentrated in high‑paying sectors that underpin the city’s tax base. Job growth since the pandemic has been skewed toward lower‑paid fields such as home healthcare and social assistance. Inflation‑adjusted private‑sector wages in New York fell 9 % between January 2020 and August 2025, whereas national wages rose 3 %.

Not just the wealthy: the middle‑class exodus
The narrative of billionaires fleeing masks a broader challenge. Data from the same moving‑industry report reveal that households earning between US$51 000 and US$200 000 account for the largest number of departures from New York City. People making US$51 000–100 000 recorded 66 158 outflows, followed closely by the US$101 000–200 000 group with 62 209. In contrast, departures among high‑income residents fell after the 2025 primary election. The report also notes that 88 % of newcomers earn under US$200 000, signalling a shift toward a lower‑income demographic. Working‑class and middle‑income households cite rising housing costs and the cost of raising children as primary reasons for leaving.

Research by an independent fiscal institute offers further nuance. After analysing eight years of migration records, the institute found that high earners typically move out of New York State at about one‑quarter the rate of other residents. The surge in wealthy departures during 2020 and 2021 was largely a temporary response to pandemic‑induced remote work. Migration rates for high earners returned to pre‑pandemic levels by 2022, and the state gained 17 500 millionaire households from 2020 through 2022 despite losing about 2 400. Statistical analysis showed no significant evidence that recent tax increases prompted high‑income migration; when affluent New Yorkers do move, they often choose other high‑tax states. Independent fact‑checkers note that working‑class New Yorkers, particularly Black and Hispanic residents and families with young children, leave at much higher rates than wealthy households.

Policy debates and social costs
Despite an improving population count, structural pressures remain. New York spends US$9 761 per resident on welfare and education—72 % more than Texas and 130 % more than Florida. Low‑income renters now devote 54 % of their income to rent, up from under 40 % in 1991; even a well‑paid professional must earn at least US$151 600 annually to ensure that rent on a studio consumes only 30 % of income. Without a rebound in finance or a dramatic housing boom, business leaders warn that New York could devolve into an “economically ordinary” US city, burdened by high rents and expanding welfare obligations.

Political debates have sharpened these tensions. The 2025 mayoral frontrunner, Zohran Mamdani, proposes adding a two‑percentage‑point surcharge on incomes above US$1 million and raising the corporate income‑tax rate to 11.5 % to fund universal childcare and free buses. Experts point out that tax‑induced mobility among high earners is small: studies by Northwestern University, the EU Tax Observatory and the Fiscal Policy Institute indicate that wealthy households rarely move solely because of tax differentials. Nevertheless, policy analysts caution that imposing the nation’s highest marginal rates could gradually erode the tax base.

Statistics from the Citizens Budget Commission show that more than 125 000 New Yorkers relocated to Florida between 2018 and 2022, carrying nearly US$14 billion in adjusted gross income. Such figures fuel both sides of the debate: proponents of higher taxes argue that migration flows are limited, while opponents warn that revenue losses could accelerate. The city’s 2025 “City of Yes” zoning reforms spurred construction of about 34 000 apartments in a single year, but housing supply remains tight. The interplay between taxes, housing costs and public services will determine whether New York regains its footing or continues to lose ground to lower‑cost competitors.

A city at a crossroads
New York’s appeal has always rested on its ability to offer unmatched cultural life, economic opportunity and diversity. The recent outflows of wealth, talent and businesses threaten this model. With millionaires comprising less than one percent of residents yet contributing nearly half of personal‑income tax revenue, the departure of even a few thousand people can blow a hole in public finances. The value proposition for middle‑income families is equally in jeopardy as housing and childcare costs soar. Meanwhile, the definancialisation of the local economy and the relocation of corporate headquarters erode the city’s job base. Taken together, these trends give credence to the image of a city that is “sinking” under the weight of its own costs.

Yet the picture is not one of unrelenting decline. International migration, natural population growth and inbound investment continue to sustain New York. Surveys show that residents still value the city’s parks, cultural institutions and transit network despite concerns about safety and affordability. The challenge for policymakers is to balance progressive social aims with economic competitiveness: to improve public services and housing affordability while keeping tax rates and business costs from driving away the very people and companies who fund them.



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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Beijing's new Taiwan playbook

Beijing's military machinery and political ambitions have moved it closer to a point where it could attempt to seize Taiwan by force.  Decades of double‑digit defence spending have yielded advanced amphibious assault vessels, fleets of hypersonic and ballistic missiles and an air force that can saturate airspace around the island.  Naval analysts note that the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s new Type 054B guided‑missile frigates incorporate artificial‑intelligence‑enabled sensors to improve anti‑submarine warfare and fleet air defence and can undertake long‑range escort missions.  Dozens of civilian‑flagged research vessels, operating under the cover of scientific exploration, have spent years mapping the seabed across the western Pacific and as far afield as Guam and Hawaii to improve Chinese submarine navigation and to erode the United States’ traditional advantage in undersea warfare.  Expanded missile launch infrastructure in Xinjiang, featuring scores of launch pads, is intended to increase the survivability of China’s land‑based nuclear forces.Yet despite these capabilities, Beijing has shown little appetite for a near‑term invasion.  A recent threat assessment by the United States’ intelligence community concluded that Chinese leaders do not currently plan to execute an invasion by 2027 and lack a fixed timetable for unification.  Taiwan’s defence ministry concurs that China’s build‑up is relentless but emphasises that deterrence, rather than assumptions about invasion windows, will shape Beijing’s calculations.  Analysts argue that a war would trigger unprecedented economic costs.  Taiwan’s semiconductor industry underpins global technology supply chains and about a fifth of world trade transits the Taiwan Strait.  Any conflict that closed this artery would reverberate through financial markets, manufacturing and energy supplies.  Even without U.S. intervention, Chinese leadership would risk social stability at home if a miscalculated assault stalled or provoked severe sanctions.Against this backdrop, Beijing has refined what some analysts describe as a grey‑zone strategy — a web of coercive measures designed to wear down Taiwan’s morale and manoeuvre it towards “reunification” without firing a shot.  People’s Liberation Army aircraft entered Taiwan’s air defence identification zone more than three hundred times a month after William Lai’s 2024 election, only for the number of incursions to fall sharply in 2026 as planners redistributed sorties to training and maintenance.  China’s coast guard now conducts routine multi‑ship patrols in the restricted waters around Kinmen and Pratas, two Taiwanese‑administered archipelagos close to the mainland, to normalise jurisdictional claims and erode Taiwan’s threat awareness.  As part of the large‑scale “Strait Thunder 2025A” and “Justice Mission 2025” exercises, the People’s Liberation Army practised cutting power and blockading Taiwan’s liquefied natural gas terminals — a rehearsal for imposing energy strangulation during a future crisis.Energy insecurity is a key prong of Beijing’s hybrid approach.  Taiwan imports around 97 percent of its energy, with liquefied natural gas accounting for roughly half of electricity generation.  When war in Iran temporarily choked off shipments through the Strait of Hormuz earlier this year, Chinese‑language social media channels flooded TikTok and Xiaohongshu with ominous videos claiming Taiwan’s gas reserves would expire within a fortnight and extolling “peaceful unification” as the only remedy.  Officials from the Taiwan Affairs Office even offered to supply electricity and gas from the mainland as soon as Taiwan surrendered its sovereignty.  Taiwan’s government countered by publicising the diversification of its imports, increasing strategic reserves and conducting joint navy‑coast‑guard drills to escort fuel tankers through potential blockades.  Such moves aim to reassure citizens and blunt the psychological impact of Beijing’s energy narratives.Political infiltration forms another component of the grey‑zone campaign.  Beijing has long supported parties in Taiwan that advocate a looser relationship with the mainland, but recent cases show a willingness to back actors whose public stance on unification is ambiguous.  Taiwanese courts convicted a former spokesperson for the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) after she accepted funds from Chinese handlers and provided contact lists of government agencies.  Investigators say the case is not isolated: election interference and covert recruitment have targeted both the centrist TPP and elements of the governing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).  At the international level, Chinese diplomats persuade or pressure host governments to label Taiwan as a province of China; Taiwan stayed away from this year’s World Trade Organization ministerial in Yaoundé after delegates were issued documents bearing that designation.This cognitive warfare extends to culture and education.  President William Lai has warned that video‑sharing platforms may be used to cultivate the notion that Taiwanese and mainland Chinese people are “one family” and to foster resignation towards annexation.  His administration has banned certain Chinese apps from public‑sector devices and proposed curriculum changes to strengthen civic identity and debunk disinformation.  Opinion polls still show a solid majority of Taiwanese identifying as Taiwanese rather than Chinese, suggesting that Beijing’s narrative campaigns have yet to shift the island’s self‑perception.While China deploys these non‑military tools, Taiwan is struggling to adapt its defence posture.  The DPP has proposed a special budget worth around US$40 billion to procure hundreds of thousands of unmanned systems, develop an integrated air and missile defence network and fund the domestic arms industry.  Opposition parties controlling the legislature have delayed the budget, preferring a smaller package focused on conventional platforms such as artillery and anti‑tank missiles.  Delays threaten to slow deliveries of High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems, self‑propelled howitzers and anti‑tank weapons from the United States.  At the same time, Taipei is investing in its first domestically built submarine and plans to upgrade two Dutch‑built boats from the 1980s.  Such measures are meant to raise the cost of aggression and complicate any blockade.Elsewhere in the region, countries are recalibrating their own strategies in anticipation of cross‑strait tensions.  Japan has acquired Tomahawk cruise missiles from the United States and is modifying its destroyers to carry them, signalling a shift towards a counter‑strike doctrine that can threaten missile launch platforms on the Chinese coast.  The Philippines and Japan have agreed to step up military intelligence sharing and have begun negotiating a boundary in their overlapping exclusive economic zones east of Taiwan.  Manila is seeking Japanese anti‑submarine destroyers and anti‑ship missiles to bolster its navy.  Such cooperation, alongside the United States’ continued security commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act, suggests that any attempt by Beijing to seal off the island would face a more coordinated regional response.Seen together, these developments reveal why Beijing may perceive hybrid coercion as “something better” than a risky assault.  China’s ability to project force across the Taiwan Strait has improved markedly, but its leaders recognise that a failed invasion would jeopardise economic growth and political legitimacy.  By combining military modernisation with psychological operations, energy leverage, political interference and calibrated maritime pressure, Beijing hopes to corrode Taiwan’s will and convince its citizens that unification is inevitable.  Whether this strategy succeeds will depend on Taiwan’s resilience, the cohesion of its democratic institutions and the willingness of regional partners to deter aggression.  For now, the contest remains a test not of who can fire the first shot, but of whose vision for the island’s future will ultimately prevail.