Coin Press - AI and the Future of Wealth

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AI and the Future of Wealth




Artificial intelligence is no longer a futuristic curiosity. In little more than three years, it has attracted more than a billion users worldwide and become integral to everything from banking to education. Large language models write software, compose correspondence and even diagnose diseases. Governments and investors have poured hundreds of billions of dollars into AI infrastructure. This rapid growth is raising a familiar question with a modern twist: will the technology hollow out the middle class and concentrate wealth in even fewer hands?

Emerging divides in a global AI boom
The distribution of AI adoption is already uneven. Recent United Nations research estimates that two‑thirds of people in high‑income economies use AI tools, while in many low‑income countries usage remains below five per cent. Analysts warn that this “next great divergence” could widen gaps not only among workers but between nations. Access to fast internet, computing power and education allows wealthier economies to reap the gains of automation while others fall behind. The same report notes that AI could lift annual gross domestic product growth by around two percentage points and raise productivity by up to five per cent, but three‑quarters of firms surveyed expect job losses even as new roles emerge. Female employment is almost twice as exposed to AI as male employment and informality remains high in many developing nations. Without inclusive policies, the technology could deepen structural imbalances.

Middle‑skill work in the crosshairs
In advanced economies the middle‑skill, middle‑income jobs that formed the backbone of post‑war prosperity already face pressure from automation and trade. Primary‑school teachers, managers and secretaries still dominate the income distribution, but routine tasks in these occupations are increasingly handled by software. A 2020 study cited by policy analysts found that teachers spend more than ten hours a week on preparation and administration, and roughly half of that time could be reassigned to AI tools. Autonomous vehicles pose a more direct threat: the trucking industry supports millions of drivers, yet economists at a major investment bank have predicted that self‑driving trucks could eliminate about 300,000 jobs annually once the technology matures. Similarly, managers and administrative assistants are discovering that screening résumés and scheduling meetings are tasks that algorithms can perform instantaneously.

At the same time, there is evidence that AI can augment rather than replace human labour. Teachers freed from paperwork can spend more time engaging with students. Secretaries still provide the interpersonal glue in offices that machines cannot replicate. Managers will need to supervise AI systems and make judgement calls. The notion that an entire stratum of society will be rendered obsolete is therefore simplistic. Many of the most common middle‑class occupations are likely to be reshaped rather than eliminated.

Predictions, panic and perspective
Commentary about AI’s labour market impact swings between exuberance and dystopia. In 2025 the head of a cutting‑edge research company suggested that generative AI could wipe out half of all entry‑level white‑collar jobs within five years. Leading technologists, including pioneers who helped invent deep learning, warn that artificial intelligence will increase unemployment while boosting profits and that regulators are ill‑prepared to manage the consequences. Corporate leaders are making similar points. In 2026 the chief executive of the world’s largest asset manager used his annual letter to caution that the AI boom risks accelerating a pattern in which the owners of capital capture most of the gains. He noted that transformative technologies historically create enormous value but often concentrate it among those who already hold financial assets, and he worried that the pattern will repeat on a larger scale.

These dire warnings coexist with more measured analysis. Research by a leading investment bank estimates that if current AI use cases were applied across the economy and reduced employment in proportion to efficiency gains, about two and a half per cent of United States jobs would be at risk. Even under a broader adoption scenario the bank’s economists put displacement at six to seven per cent. They anticipate a modest, temporary rise in unemployment—perhaps half a percentage point—as displaced workers search for new roles. Historical evidence supports this view: about sixty per cent of U.S. workers are currently employed in occupations that did not exist in 1940, implying that most employment growth over the past eight decades came from technology‑driven job creation. Unemployment linked to productivity‑enhancing technologies typically dissipates after two years. The same report identifies occupations most vulnerable to automation—such as programmers, accountants and customer service representatives—and those least exposed, including air‑traffic controllers, executives and radiologists.

Independent analyses paint a similarly nuanced picture. Data from job‑cut trackers show that AI was explicitly blamed for around fifty thousand layoffs in 2025. Several technology firms have announced further reductions in 2026, citing generative AI as a reason to trim corporate staff. Yet the overall labour market remains resilient. The U.S. economy added 178,000 jobs in March 2026 and the unemployment rate fell to 4.3 per cent. Some of the job losses in tech reflect correction after pandemic over‑hiring rather than automation. Analysts expect AI adoption to be gradual; only about nine per cent of companies report using generative AI in production. Forrester, a consultancy, projects that roughly six per cent of jobs—about ten million roles—could be affected by 2030. None of these figures resemble the apocalyptic forecasts circulating online.

Unequal gains from new skills
What seems more certain is that AI is accelerating job polarisation. An International Monetary Fund study released in early 2026 tracks the diffusion of new skills across advanced and emerging economies. It finds that roughly one in ten job postings in advanced economies now demands at least one new skill, often related to information technology or artificial intelligence. These new skills command wage premiums of three to four per cent and are linked to employment gains in high‑ and low‑skill services. Middle‑skilled workers, however, see little benefit, reinforcing the hollowing of the wage distribution. When focusing specifically on AI‑related skills, the study reports no overall employment gains and even lower employment in regions where demand for AI skills is high. Five years after AI skills appear in a local labour market, employment in occupations that are highly exposed but offer few opportunities for complementarity is 3.6 per cent lower. Young workers and those in white‑collar support roles are particularly at risk.

The authors emphasise that new skills spread first in professional, technical and managerial occupations, often in the United States, and then diffuse to other economies. While the demand for these skills increases wages, the supply is concentrated among workers with tertiary education, especially in science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Countries with high demand but limited supply must therefore invest in education, retraining and labour mobility; those with strong supply need policies that encourage firms to absorb new skills through innovation and access to credit. Absent these measures, the diffusion of AI could widen gaps between the highly educated and the rest, leaving many middle‑class workers stranded.

A contested path for the middle class
The debate over AI’s impact is less about inevitability than about choices. Evidence suggests that artificial intelligence will reshape tasks rather than annihilate entire professions. In sectors such as education, healthcare and law, AI can relieve professionals of drudgery, allowing them to focus on human engagement and complex judgment. In engineering and finance it can augment productivity, potentially creating new services and markets. At the macro level AI promises to boost growth and productivity, but how those gains are distributed depends on ownership structures, labour institutions and public policy. If the gains accrue to shareholders and highly skilled workers alone, the middle class may continue to shrink. If investment in skills, social safety nets and worker representation keeps pace, AI could broaden opportunity rather than choke it.

Policymakers have tools at their disposal. Investments in digital infrastructure and education can narrow the readiness gap between and within countries. Active labour‑market programmes and portable benefits can help displaced workers transition to new careers. Competition policy can prevent excessive concentration of data and compute power. Wage insurance and progressive taxation can cushion temporary dislocations. Above all, transparency and worker participation in AI deployment can ensure that automation complements rather than undercuts human capabilities. The stakes are high. A world in which algorithms amplify inequality is not inevitable, but neither is one where they rebuild the middle class. The path society chooses over the next decade will determine whether artificial intelligence becomes a force for shared prosperity or a driver of division.



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Long live Ukraine - Хай живе Україна - Да здравствует Украина

Es lebe die Ukraine - Да здравствует Украина - Long live Ukraine - Хай живе Україна - Nech žije Ukrajina - Länge leve Ukraina - תחי אוקראינה - Lang leve Oekraïne - Да живее Украйна - Elagu Ukraina - Kauan eläköön Ukraina - Vive l'Ukraine - Ζήτω η Ουκρανία - 乌克兰万岁 - Viva Ucrania - Ať žije Ukrajina - Çok yaşa Ukrayna - Viva a Ucrânia - Trăiască Ucraina - ウクライナ万歳 - Tegyvuoja Ukraina - Lai dzīvo Ukraina - Viva l'Ucraina - Hidup Ukraina - تحيا أوكرانيا - Vivat Ucraina - ขอให้ยูเครนจงเจริญ - Ucraina muôn năm - ژوندی دی وی اوکراین - Yashasin Ukraina - Озак яшә Украина - Živjela Ukrajina - 우크라이나 만세 - Mabuhay ang Ukraine - Lenge leve Ukraina - Nyob ntev Ukraine - Да живее Украина - გაუმარჯოს უკრაინას - Hidup Ukraine - Vivu Ukrainio - Længe leve Ukraine - Živjela Ukrajina - Жыве Украіна - Yaşasın Ukrayna - Lengi lifi Úkraína - Lank lewe die Oekraïne

Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Europe’s arms money maze

Europe’s rearmament has acquired an uncomfortable companion: uncertainty about what the money actually buys. In Germany, an argument over defence-related borrowing has raised questions about whether exceptional debt is producing genuinely additional expenditure. In Estonia, unreliable inventory records and disputed ammunition contracts have brought ministerial accountability into the foreground. These are different problems, but they meet at the same point: a larger budget is not a reliable measure of a stronger defence.The contention that nobody knows what is happening to Europe’s weapons money goes too far. Budgets are published, procurement bodies operate and auditors are identifying failures. Nor do these cases establish that funds have disappeared into Russian hands or that the Kremlin engineered the difficulties. The more defensible conclusion is also more useful: Europe cannot judge rearmament by the volume of money announced. It must establish what has been purchased, accepted and made ready for use.That distinction matters strategically. An adversary need not steal the money to benefit from delays, unusable equipment or a loss of confidence in the governments spending it.What the €800 billion actually meansThe scale of the spending is substantial. Combined defence expenditure across the European Union reached €418 billion in 2025, with €454 billion estimated for 2026. Those annual totals should not be confused with the much larger, multi-year headline attached to the EU’s rearmament financing plan. The widely cited €800 billion is potential financing capacity, not a single fund already transferred to arms manufacturers. Its main components are approximately €650 billion in possible additional national expenditure enabled by fiscal flexibility over four years, and €150 billion in loans through the Security Action for Europe instrument, known as SAFE. The loans must be repaid; the additional national spending depends on governments choosing to use the available room.These distinctions are indispensable to any honest assessment. Permission to borrow is not an order placed with a factory. An order is not a completed delivery. Equipment delivered to a warehouse is not necessarily equipment that troops can operate, maintain and replenish. Treating all these stages as interchangeable allows governments to claim progress before the military benefit exists.It also creates a temptation to add together figures that describe different periods or overlapping flows of money. A credible account of rearmament should distinguish financing arrangements from annual expenditure, and both from verified outputs. Otherwise, the public is left comparing impressive totals whose practical meaning is unclear.Germany’s argument over additional spendingOn 10 September, the Ifo Institute challenged the use of Germany’s defence-related borrowing exemption. It calculated an €11 billion gap between additional borrowing and the year-on-year increase in the relevant expenditure. Ifo’s argument was that 38.5 per cent of the additional debt had not produced additional defence and security spending, instead freeing room for other purposes in the ordinary budget. The Finance Ministry rejected the comparison as legally and methodologically flawed. The exemption concerns qualifying expenditure above one per cent of gross domestic product, rather than an increase over the previous year. Ifo, for its part, said its analysis concerned additional spending, not constitutionality.This is not evidence that €11 billion was stolen. It is a dispute over the relationship between an exceptional borrowing mechanism and the political expectation attached to it. The difference is important: an arrangement can comply with its legal design while delivering less additional expenditure than citizens understand the announcement to promise.The practical question is whether new borrowing expands defence capacity or changes the way existing commitments are financed. Those outcomes can coexist within the same budget. Refinancing an established obligation may be lawful and fiscally useful, but it should not be presented as though an equivalent amount of new military capability has been purchased. Germany’s dispute therefore points to a straightforward transparency test. Governments should identify the expenditure that would have occurred anyway, the genuinely additional commitments and the delivery milestones attached to them. Without that comparison, the argument risks becoming a contest between accounting definitions while the central question—what the armed forces actually gain—remains unanswered.Estonia’s warning from the accountsIn Estonia, the problems are more immediate. Defence Minister Hanno Pevkur announced on 2 September that he would step down, accepting political responsibility for failures exposed in defence administration and procurement. His announcement did not amount to an admission of personal corruption.The National Audit Office issued a qualified opinion concerning defence inventories valued at approximately €1.2 billion because their quantities, composition and valuation could not be established reliably. It also questioned an unexplained retrospective adjustment of €99.7 million to the previous year’s inventory figures. That does not mean €1.2 billion of weapons has vanished. An unreliable balance is not the same thing as a proven loss. It means the records are insufficiently dependable to establish what the balance represents—a serious weakness in any organisation, and particularly consequential in one responsible for military readiness.Inadequate records can obstruct decisions long before a final financial loss is demonstrated. Commanders and purchasing authorities need to distinguish usable stock from equipment awaiting inspection, repair or replacement. If those categories are unclear, another procurement decision may rest on a mistaken understanding of what is already available.Auditing is therefore more than an exercise in retrospective blame. A trustworthy inventory helps determine what must be bought next, how urgently it is needed and whether previous purchases fulfilled their purpose. Poor accounting can undermine operational planning even where no theft is established.Paid for is not the same as usableEstonia’s ammunition procurement for Ukraine illustrates a second difficulty. The audit identified disputed advance payments and warned of a potential exposure to the state budget of around €70 million. That figure describes a risk, not a final, adjudicated loss.The controversy includes contracts involving the Italian company Datasel. Pevkur described ammunition delivered under the disputed arrangements as incomplete and of insufficient quality, rather than simply non-existent. Datasel disputes the criticism and has said that goods delivered and invoiced were worth approximately €58 million against about €59 million in advances. The company’s account is a contested position, not a judicial finding.The disagreement exposes a distinction that matters beyond this particular supplier. A payment record, an invoice, the physical presence of goods and acceptance of those goods for their intended use answer different questions. A supplier may point to shipments while a purchasing authority disputes whether the contractual requirement has been met. The existence of equipment does not, by itself, resolve an argument over quality or completeness.For Ukraine, the decisive consideration is usable military support. For the public authorities financing it, the additional questions are whether payment conditions were appropriate, inspections were timely and contractual protections can recover money when performance is disputed. Those questions should be settled through evidence and the relevant proceedings, not through premature declarations of guilt.The procurement lesson is nonetheless clear. Emergency purchasing needs traceable contracts, independently verified acceptance and a dependable record linking each payment to performance. Urgency may justify faster decisions. It cannot make the distinction between an invoice and a functioning delivery disappear.An oversight system split across institutionsEurope’s defence financing does not sit within a single system of scrutiny. National budgets, EU programmes, loans and off-budget arrangements have different institutional responsibilities. The European Court of Auditors’ September review described complex governance and uneven oversight arrangements, rather than a continent-wide absence of auditing.SAFE falls within the European Court of Auditors’ remit. The European Peace Facility, outside the ordinary EU budget, has its own College of Auditors. National defence expenditure is scrutinised through national institutions. The distinction is between different mandates, not between money that is automatically checked and money that is automatically unaccountable. The difficulty arises at the joins. A public explanation may follow the announcement of a financing package, while a procurement body follows the contract and an operational authority follows the equipment. Unless those accounts can be reconciled, citizens and legislators may struggle to establish the complete journey from political promise to accepted delivery.Secrecy complicates that task, but it need not prevent it. Publishing ammunition locations or technical vulnerabilities would be irresponsible. Giving properly authorised auditors access to contracts, inspections and payment records is a different matter. The need to protect operational information should not become a general excuse for withholding financial evidence.Nor should procurement integrity be treated as a rival to speed. Clearly assigned responsibility, verifiable milestones and early checks can prevent disputes from developing into expensive attempts to recover money after the event. The relevant choice is between controls that work during procurement and explanations demanded after something has gone wrong.Where Putin could benefitThese failures do not establish that Vladimir Putin has obtained everything he wanted. A Europe that turns rising expenditure into effective forces would represent a very different outcome. There is also no demonstrated Russian role in the particular German budget dispute or the Estonian accounting and contractual problems described here.The potential advantage for Moscow is indirect. Delayed or disputed deliveries can leave the intended recipient weaker than the expenditure suggests. Confusing financial claims can make it harder to defend further commitments. A succession of procurement controversies could erode confidence not only in individual contracts, but in the wider case for supporting Ukraine and strengthening European defence.That is a strategic risk, not proof of an accomplished Russian victory. The public identification of problems is itself evidence that scrutiny exists. A minister accepting political responsibility, auditors challenging unreliable balances and a government being pressed to explain its borrowing are mechanisms through which democratic systems can correct failure. Their value depends on what happens afterwards.The answer is neither to abandon rearmament nor to shield it from criticism. Governments should report progress in terms that connect money to results: contracts awarded, payments made, equipment accepted and capabilities available, with sensitive details reserved for secure oversight. Disputed transactions should remain visible until resolved rather than disappearing beneath the next spending announcement.Europe does not need to prove its determination by producing another larger number. It needs to demonstrate that the money already committed is becoming usable strength. Until it does, the distance between those two things remains an opportunity for the adversary it is trying to deter.