Coin Press - COSTCO profits from Fees

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COSTCO profits from Fees

Costco’s cavernous warehouses and legendary bargain bins hide an unusual business secret: the company makes surprisingly little money from the products rolling through its tills. Instead, the bulk of its earnings come from selling the right to shop there. Shoppers pay annual fees – US$65 for a basic membership or US$130 for an executive tier – and those dues power almost the entire enterprise. Costco’s chief executive has even remarked that the most important item the retailer sells isn’t a giant jar of mayonnaise but the membership card itself.

A Subscription Model in Disguise
While rival supermarkets mark up goods by 25 % to 50 %, Costco keeps its average merchandise markup at around 11 %, essentially passing most of the savings to customers. After wages and utilities are accounted for, the retailer retains only a fraction of its sales as profit. In its 2025 fiscal year the company generated roughly US$270 billion in net sales but just over US$5 billion in operating income before taxes. What makes the model work are those membership dues. More than 80 million paid memberships produced about US$5.3 billion in revenue in the year ending August 2025, a figure that was almost pure profit. Renewal rates remain extraordinarily high – above 92 % in the United States and nearly 90 % globally. In essence, the fee income covers Costco’s overhead, allowing it to sell goods at razor‑thin margins and still generate solid earnings.

Winning Loyalty Through Value
The club’s low prices and quality goods have cultivated a near‑cult following. Perks such as the US$1.50 hot dog and soda combo or the US$5 rotisserie chicken often cost the company money, yet they draw in shoppers who fill their carts with other items. Costco’s private‑label Kirkland Signature line also delivers savings of 15–20 % compared with national brands. Employees earn comparatively high wages and enjoy generous benefits, fostering a customer‑friendly culture. The result is a virtuous cycle: low prices attract members, high renewal rates give Costco scale, and scale enables even lower prices.

Adjusting the Membership Formula
As inflation and supply-chain challenges have pushed costs higher, Costco has nudged up its dues for the first time in years. Since September 2024 the basic fee has risen by about US$5 and the executive tier by US$10. Even so, members continue to renew at elevated rates. Management views the current dip in global renewal rates – down to around 89.8 % because of a surge in younger, digitally acquired members – as temporary. Fee income rose 14 % year on year in the fourth quarter of 2024 to US$1.72 billion, underscoring the resilience of the subscription model.

Costco has also tightened enforcement of its club rules. To prevent freeloading, store entrances now require members to scan their cards or smartphone QR codes. The company even stopped selling the famous food‑court hot dog combo to non‑members. In September 2025 a new, controversial policy granted executive members exclusive early shopping hours on weekdays and weekends. Although fewer than half of cardholders belong to this tier, they accounted for more than 74 % of net sales in the fourth quarter. The perk has added roughly 1 % to weekly U.S. sales and encouraged some members to upgrade.

Expansion and E‑Commerce
The warehouse chain isn’t standing still. Costco operated 914 warehouses worldwide at the end of August 2025 and plans to grow to around 944 by the end of fiscal 2026. Digital sales rose more than 13 % year on year, with online apparel and electronics leading the way. Though e‑commerce margins are slimmer and tariffs remain a concern, management believes its membership base and private‑label strategy provide a buffer against volatility. The Kirkland brand, which now generates more revenue than some famous apparel labels, continues to strengthen loyalty.

Risks and Outlook
Relying on recurring fees does carry risks. A prolonged economic slowdown could dampen renewals and spending, and younger customers acquired through promotions or online sign‑ups may prove less loyal. Expansion comes with costs that squeezed operating margins to around 2.9 % in mid‑2025. Nevertheless, the company’s net income climbed to US$8.1 billion in fiscal 2025. Executives argue that as long as Costco maintains its value proposition and treats employees well, members will keep paying for the privilege to shop. In the words of the company’s leader, culture is a business strategy, and the warehouse club will continue to prioritise the membership card over the shopping cart.

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Stargate project, Trump and the AI war...

In a dramatic return to the global political stage, former President Donald J. Trump, as the current 47th President of the United States of America, has unveiled his latest initiative, the so-called ‘Stargate Project,’ in a bid to cement the United States’ dominance in artificial intelligence and outpace China’s meteoric rise in the field. The newly announced programme, cloaked in patriotic rhetoric and ambitious targets, is already stirring intense debate over the future of technological competition between the world’s two largest economies.According to preliminary statements from Trump’s team, the Stargate Project will consolidate the efforts of leading American tech conglomerates, defence contractors, and research universities under a centralised framework. The former president, who has long championed American exceptionalism, claims this approach will provide the United States with a decisive advantage, enabling rapid breakthroughs in cutting-edge AI applications ranging from military strategy to commercial innovation.“America must remain the global leader in technology—no ifs, no buts,” Trump declared at a recent press conference. “China has been trying to surpass us in AI, but with this new project, we will make sure the future remains ours.”Details regarding funding and governance remain scarce, but early indications suggest the initiative will rely heavily on public-private partnerships, tax incentives for research and development, and collaboration with high-profile venture capital firms. Skeptics, however, warn that the endeavour could fan the flames of an increasingly militarised AI race, raising ethical concerns about surveillance, automation of warfare, and data privacy. Critics also question whether the initiative can deliver on its lofty promises, especially in the face of existing economic and geopolitical pressures.Yet for its supporters, the Stargate Project serves as a rallying cry for renewed American leadership and an antidote to worries over China’s technological ascendancy. Proponents argue that accelerating AI research is paramount if the United States wishes to preserve not just military supremacy, but also the economic and cultural influence that has typified its global role for decades.Whether this bold project will succeed—or if it will devolve into a symbolic gesture—remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the Stargate Project has already reignited debate about how best to safeguard America’s strategic future and maintain the balance of power in the fast-evolving arena of artificial intelligence.

Beijing's new Taiwan playbook

Beijing's military machinery and political ambitions have moved it closer to a point where it could attempt to seize Taiwan by force. Decades of double‑digit defence spending have yielded advanced amphibious assault vessels, fleets of hypersonic and ballistic missiles and an air force that can saturate airspace around the island. Naval analysts note that the People’s Liberation Army Navy’s new Type 054B guided‑missile frigates incorporate artificial‑intelligence‑enabled sensors to improve anti‑submarine warfare and fleet air defence and can undertake long‑range escort missions. Dozens of civilian‑flagged research vessels, operating under the cover of scientific exploration, have spent years mapping the seabed across the western Pacific and as far afield as Guam and Hawaii to improve Chinese submarine navigation and to erode the United States’ traditional advantage in undersea warfare. Expanded missile launch infrastructure in Xinjiang, featuring scores of launch pads, is intended to increase the survivability of China’s land‑based nuclear forces.Yet despite these capabilities, Beijing has shown little appetite for a near‑term invasion. A recent threat assessment by the United States’ intelligence community concluded that Chinese leaders do not currently plan to execute an invasion by 2027 and lack a fixed timetable for unification. Taiwan’s defence ministry concurs that China’s build‑up is relentless but emphasises that deterrence, rather than assumptions about invasion windows, will shape Beijing’s calculations. Analysts argue that a war would trigger unprecedented economic costs. Taiwan’s semiconductor industry underpins global technology supply chains and about a fifth of world trade transits the Taiwan Strait. Any conflict that closed this artery would reverberate through financial markets, manufacturing and energy supplies. 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As part of the large‑scale “Strait Thunder 2025A” and “Justice Mission 2025” exercises, the People’s Liberation Army practised cutting power and blockading Taiwan’s liquefied natural gas terminals — a rehearsal for imposing energy strangulation during a future crisis.Energy insecurity is a key prong of Beijing’s hybrid approach. Taiwan imports around 97 percent of its energy, with liquefied natural gas accounting for roughly half of electricity generation. When war in Iran temporarily choked off shipments through the Strait of Hormuz earlier this year, Chinese‑language social media channels flooded TikTok and Xiaohongshu with ominous videos claiming Taiwan’s gas reserves would expire within a fortnight and extolling “peaceful unification” as the only remedy. Officials from the Taiwan Affairs Office even offered to supply electricity and gas from the mainland as soon as Taiwan surrendered its sovereignty. 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The DPP has proposed a special budget worth around US$40 billion to procure hundreds of thousands of unmanned systems, develop an integrated air and missile defence network and fund the domestic arms industry. Opposition parties controlling the legislature have delayed the budget, preferring a smaller package focused on conventional platforms such as artillery and anti‑tank missiles. Delays threaten to slow deliveries of High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems, self‑propelled howitzers and anti‑tank weapons from the United States. At the same time, Taipei is investing in its first domestically built submarine and plans to upgrade two Dutch‑built boats from the 1980s. Such measures are meant to raise the cost of aggression and complicate any blockade.Elsewhere in the region, countries are recalibrating their own strategies in anticipation of cross‑strait tensions. Japan has acquired Tomahawk cruise missiles from the United States and is modifying its destroyers to carry them, signalling a shift towards a counter‑strike doctrine that can threaten missile launch platforms on the Chinese coast. The Philippines and Japan have agreed to step up military intelligence sharing and have begun negotiating a boundary in their overlapping exclusive economic zones east of Taiwan. Manila is seeking Japanese anti‑submarine destroyers and anti‑ship missiles to bolster its navy. Such cooperation, alongside the United States’ continued security commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act, suggests that any attempt by Beijing to seal off the island would face a more coordinated regional response.Seen together, these developments reveal why Beijing may perceive hybrid coercion as “something better” than a risky assault. China’s ability to project force across the Taiwan Strait has improved markedly, but its leaders recognise that a failed invasion would jeopardise economic growth and political legitimacy. By combining military modernisation with psychological operations, energy leverage, political interference and calibrated maritime pressure, Beijing hopes to corrode Taiwan’s will and convince its citizens that unification is inevitable. Whether this strategy succeeds will depend on Taiwan’s resilience, the cohesion of its democratic institutions and the willingness of regional partners to deter aggression. For now, the contest remains a test not of who can fire the first shot, but of whose vision for the island’s future will ultimately prevail.